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XII/2/2021
INTERDISCIPLINARIA ARCHAEOLOGICA
NATURAL SCIENCES IN ARCHAEOLOGY
homepage: http://www.iansa.eu
The Potter’s Wheel in the Chilean Central Valley:
A Long-Term and Contextual Perspective on Technological Change
Jaume García Rosselló
1*
1
Department of Historic Sciences and Art Theory, ArqueoUIB Reserach Group, University of the Balearic Islands, Cra.de Valldemossa,
07122 Palma, Spain
1. Starting point
In this article the social and technological dynamics in
the transition from hand-made to wheel-thrown pottery
in a modern context is considered. Source availability as
well as feldwork provides both a long-term perspective
and a depiction of its present consequences. Here, it will
be specifcally explained, how an indigenous, hand-made,
domestic and female pottery-production system has turned
into an essentially male, wheel-thrown and workshop
activity.
As a consequence of a series of signifcant social, cultural
and economic events, the Indian village of Pomaire gained
a reputation as a potter’s town (Figure 1). The several
changes undergone by its population with regard to pottery
production makes it an interesting example to study the origin
and development of a technological change process which
resulted in the displacement of women from pottery-making
and the introduction of mechanised production means during
the 1980s. Thus, the social and technical transformations
which have taken place since colonial times (beginning of the
16
th
century), for the potters of Pomaire are explained, enlarged
on their history in order to contribute to a general refection.
The question of technological change and, particularly, the
transition from hand-building to wheel production has been
widely studied in archaeology (Arnold, 1989; Arnold III,
1991; Balfet, 1965; Deal, 1983; García Rosselló, 2006; Rice,
1987). Among the reasons posed for this change, “
rentability
”
of the product and techniques may be mentioned. Questions
such as the use of the potter’s wheel to increase the volume
of products and the consequent increase in income were
frequently considered (Anders, 1994; Rice, 1987; González
et al.
, 2001; Balfet, 1965; Arnold, 1985; Renfrew, 1978).
On the other hand, it is unlikely to fnd in the literature any
criticism of the direct correlation proposed between the use
of the potter’s wheel and the male workforce on the one
hand, and the development of full-time specialised work on
the other (Arnold, 1985; Balfet, 1965; 1981).
Volume XII ● Issue 2/2021 ● Pages 267–279
*Corresponding author. E-mail: jaume.garcia@uib.es
ARTICLE INFO
Article history:
Received: 29
th
January 2021
Accepted: 9
th
November 2021
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.24916/iansa.2021.2.12
Key words:
technological change
long-term analysis
social technology
ethnoarchaeology
ethnography
history
Pomaire potters
central Chile
ABSTRACT
In this article the social and technological dynamics detected in the transition from hand-made pottery
to wheel-thrown ware in a modern context is considered. The many diferent sources supplemented by
feldwork provide a long-term perspective and a depiction of its present consequences. It is specifcally
explained, how an indigenous, hand-made, domestic and female pottery-production system has turned
into an essentially male, wheel-thrown and workshop activity.
After a series of signifcant events, the Indian village of Pomaire gained a reputation as a potter’s
village. The several changes underwent by its population as regards to pottery production makes it
an interesting example to analyse the origin and development of a process of technological change
which ended up with the displacement of women from pottery-making and the introduction of the
means for mechanised production during the 1980s. Thus, the social and technical transformations
which have taken place since colonial times (beginning of the 16
th
century), for the potters of Pomaire
are explained, enlarged on their history in order to contribute to a general refection.
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In this paper I do not disregard issues such as efciency,
rentability and economic value to explain the incorporation
of the potter’s wheel; rather, I want to highlight some
reasons of a social and ideological kind which have not been
generally explored as they should. That is, I aim to overcome
the typical answer of modern industrialised society which
simplistically correlates technological development and the
new role of male potters with the increase in production and
progressive specialisation.
Due to their peculiar development, the potters’ villages
in central Chile represent an excellent study case to
provide a historical context and diachronic perspective to
the technological changes produced in the last centuries in
indigenous communities (16
th
–21
st
centuries). Furthermore,
they integrate them in the new social dynamics in the context
of Chile.
Hence, I emphasise the long-term cultural processes
(García Rosselló, 2008; Politis, 2015; Lyons and Cassey,
2016) to avoid producing an isolated and static ethnographic
study case whose value is similar to fxed-frame photography.
That is, I propose studying how material and cultural changes
have taken place, as well as the long-standing processes
involved, keeping in mind the social context in which they
were generated and reproduced (García Rosselló, 2006;
2008; 2016).
1.1 Research strategy
The reports about Chilean pottery of indigenous origins are
full of references relating to technological change (Graham,
1823; Valenzuela, 1955; Lago, 1971; Pérez, 1973; Valdés
and Matta, 1986; León
et al.
, 1986; Rebolledo, 1994; García
Rosselló, 2006, 2008; Berg
et al.
, 2014; García Rosselló,
2016; Montt and Lecrec, 2017; García Rosselló, 2019). For
the last two centuries, a corpus of technical information has
been created – which includes the organisation of production
as well as the products created – and is of great variety when
compared to other contexts (Sillar and Jofré, 2016). In the case
of Pomaire, this corpus is considerable due to its privileged
location. Founded between the capital city, Santiago, and its
commercial port, Valparaíso, the village has received the visits
of travellers and scientists alike. Furthermore, its products
were distributed throughout the country.
Diferent kinds of documents are available for the colonial
and republican periods (16
th
–21
st
centuries), together with
travellers’ and erudite visitors’ chronicles (such as Graham,
1823) and archaeological reports (Prado
et al.
, 2015; Prieto
et al.
, 2006). For the 20
th
century, we can also resort to the
large Chilean historiographic tradition (Sagredo, 2014),
which preserved and disseminated most of the documents.
A number of folklorists (Valenzuela, 1955; Lago, 1971;
Berg
et al.
, 2014, among others) documented and described
the craft traditions in Pomaire, either with a journalistic or
scientifc interest. Between the 1970s and 1990s, historians
(Borde and Góngora, 1956; Bowen, 2007) and anthropologists
from the Centro de Estudios de la Mujer (Centre for Women
Studies) created an intensive program to compile life stories
of rural women (Valdés and Matta, 1986; Rebolledo, 1994;
De León
et al.
, 1986). As a result, there exist a signifcant
number of interviews for reconstructing the oral memory of
women potters (Valenzuela, 1955; Valdes and Matta, 1986;
García Rosselló, 2008; Berg
et al.
, 2014; Montt and Lecrec,
2007), which could be informative for recovering the social
and technical development in the village at the beginning of
the 20
th
century. However, two kinds of problems originate
when processing this data: the chronological uncertainty of
oral stories and the technical inaccuracy
of both compilations
and relations in regard to the pottery production.
This research incorporates the spatial analysis of modern
workshops to understand transformations in organisation
of space and architecture. It includes a revision of the
materials produced and the tools used throughout time, the
recording of
chaînes opératoires
and technical gestures, as
well as an inventory of technological infrastructures and raw
material sources.
Simultaneously, oral directed one-to-one and anonymous
interviews with Pomaire sellers, potters and consumers
provided valuable data for gaining an understanding of both
the current situation and recent changes.
In most ethnoarchaeological research, the time perspective
and explanations about technological change have been
Figure 1.
Map of pottery production and Pomaire situation. Author’s
design.
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hardly considered, as in
“It is frequently difcult to specify
the chronology of these historical changes”
(González
et al.
, 2001). It is due to the difculty in fnding written
historical sources and trustworthy oral testimonies (García
Rosselló, 2008). Hence, our proposal for a “
diachronic
ethnoarchaeology
” that combines diferent methodologies
and where the data collected comes from a variety of sources:
• Ethnographic sources: ethnographic interviews,
immersive observation.
• Documentary sources: censuses, chronicles,
government documents, legislative acts, previous
ethnographic research.
• Oral sources: interviews to reconstruct the recent past.
• Archaeological sources: spatial analysis, recording
of materials and
chaînes opératoires
, studies of
technological change,
etc.
The strategy described here aims to provide an historical
context and diachronic perspective for the technical and
material transformations which have only been documented
from an archaeological viewpoint so far (García Rosselló,
2006; 2007; 2008; 2009; 2011; 2016; 2017 and 2019). Hence,
rather than presenting an analysis of pottery technology in
isolation, I propose integrating it into social dynamics.
2. Pottery production during the colonial and republi-
can periods (16
th
to 19
th
century)
With the arrival of the Spanish colonists to the south of
the Cachapoal River (by mid-16
th
century) in the western
Andes, the local population of the central Chilean valley was
concentrated and confned in “
Indian
villages
”. Regarding
pottery production, among other consequences, it led to the
relocation of the population and the manufacture of large
vessels to transport and store wine, wheat and
chicha
(Cobo,
1964, p.114).
Nevertheless, some documents describe the production
of an indigenous utilitarian pottery typical of Spanish forms
but hand-made rather than wheel-thrown (Valenzuela, 1955;
García Rosselló, 2008). In fact, until the end of the 20
th
century, rural women continued using the indigenous hand-
made techniques for pottery-making, adapting their products
to the forms and needs of the Hispanic population and the
new
criolla
cuisine (Valdés and Matta, 1986).
At the end of the 17
th
century, the setting up of an
ollería
(pottery workshop) by the Jesuit Order in Santiago
introduced vitrifed wheel-thrown pottery (Prado
et al.
,
2015). This workshop supplied the city and other regions
with ceramics; however, its products are scarcely represented
in archaeological contexts around the city of Santiago (Prado
et al.
, 2015, p.252).
On the other hand, archaeological excavations at the
Plaza de Armas and surrounding areas, also in Santiago,
documented a high amount of indigenous pottery and
a reduced amount of imported ware and local imitations
of European manufacturers (Botto, in Prado
et al.
, 2015;
Prieto
et al.
, 2006). A similar situation was recorded in
the Crypt of the Cathedral, where imported ware is hardly
represented.
The Jesuit workshop increased the supply of Hispanic-
tradition pottery with wheel-thrown vessels, introducing
bowls, plates, pots, large bottles and building materials in the
city markets (Prado
et al.
, 2015, p.252), as well as large jars,
cooking pots and pitchers (Encina, 1945, p.268). Gradually,
European masters introduced the potter’s wheel, vitrifcation
and double-chamber kiln and hired local slave manpower in
their workshops.
The closing of the Jesuit workshop in 1767 implied the end
of the ephemeral
wheel-thrown
local production. However,
importation of table-ware gradually increased in the country
(Henriquez
et al.
, 2013) due to the global economic situation
(Salazar, 2010) and the increase of maritime trade at the port
of Valparaíso. It was also stimulated by china manufacturers
established at Lota (AAVV, 1997) and Penco, around the
1930s (Márquez, 2014).
3. Pottery in the 20
th
century
In colonial times, wheel-thrown pottery arrived to the
rural estates from Lima, Panama and Spain. By 1930, the
domestic market was still small, particularly in the estates;
thus, peasants needed to produce their own domestic objects.
This situation started to change around the 1940s when
the estate owners introduced kitchen tools
manufactured
in urban industries and sold in the
pulperías
(rural grocery
stores), opening up the market also to tenants (Valdés and
Matta, 1986, p.45).
The incorporation of some pottery-producing rural areas
to the market economy and the access to new communication
roads (in some villages such as Pomaire, Quinchamalí,
La Florida, Pilén, Vichuquén) extended the exchange
networks of the rural production of tableware and cooking
pots to neighbouring estates and urban markets (Bowsen,
2007; García-Rosselló, 2008). In this way, it favoured the
continuity of manual pottery-production in these areas.
However, the beginning of the agrarian crisis led to the
progressive disappearance of pottery-making in rural areas
(for example, Llocheguas, Pocillas, Talagante, Donhiue,
Machalí, Quitrico, El Copao, in Valenzuela, 1969; Barrales
and Vergara, 2008; Chavarría and Vega, 2013; Lago, 1971).
In this context the frst potter’s wheels were introduced in
some rural areas by the 1930s to 1950s: Pomaire, Nacimiento,
Unihue, Pañul and Quinchamalí. It was initially restricted to
the production of fowerpots, but gradually replaced hand-
made as well as imported ware and cooking pots (Valdes and
Matta, 1986; Berg
et al.
, 2014; Mont and Lecrec, 2017).
4. Indigenous rural pottery in Pomaire
(20
th
to 21
st
century)
The production of hand-made utilitarian pottery continued
for several centuries in the central valley (Figure 1). Despite
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some changes in the labour organisation and subsistence
base, it was still a familiar part-time pottery production,
female in nature and of an indigenous tradition (García
Rosselló, 2008; 2017). These products were adapted to the
criolla
cuisine and exchanged for vegetables and fruit in
the nearest farms. However, technological strategies were
essentially shared by all women potters in central-southern
Chile (García Rosselló, 2009; 2011).
Women were basically in charge of the house chores and
stayed at the village, working in pottery-making and in small
farms. In many families, husbands and children were responsible
for obtaining the raw materials: they carried the clay in carts and
brought animal dung and frewood from the estates where they
worked (Graham, 1822; Valdés and Matta, 1986).
4.1 Learning
In Pomaire, girls used to learn by observing and imitating
both young and adult women in their household, under the
supervision of the eldest potter during the whole productive
process (Vidal and García Rosselló, 2010). From a technical
perspective, such practice combines two strategies:
a learning process defned by the level of difculty implied
in the diferent stages of the technical process, and also on
the manual dexterity demanded by the size and form of the
pieces (García Rosselló, 2017; Calvo
et al.
, 2015).
The learning process typically started when the girls were
about seven to ten. Having participated in the family production
for years – collecting and preparing the clay – the girl started to
combine kneading and polishing with the modelling of small
objects and toys (Valdés and Matta, 1986, p.84). Hence, from
the very beginning, the apprentice helped her family and was
socially integrated through the practice, while incorporating
other values from her daily routines as well.
The
chaîne opératoire
consisted in:
4.1.1 Collection and preparation of raw materials
The clay (
greda
) was collected from a nearby hill (La Cruz)
and transported to the house in carts. It was kept in water for
approximately 15 days (
pudrir la greda
). “
We soaked it in the
house. So, no, we left the greda to rot. We kept it soaking for
15 days
” (Juana Mendoza, in Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.43).
The sequence started by eliminating from the clay the larger
impurities by hand and mixing the material with water to be
later kneaded. This process was repeated daily (according
to Ester Guzmán, in Valdés and Matta, 1986). Occasionally,
the bare foot used to knead the clay was introduced into the
water to continue the process (Valenzuela, 1955, p.20). No
temper material was added. “
When we arrived home with the
greda, we put it to soak and later we kneaded it. We had to
knead it daily, a leather-weight of greda. Some time ago, the
greda
was kneaded on a piece of leather, animal leather; it
was kneaded with a foot (...)”
(Esther Guzmán, in Valdés and
Matta, 1986, p.82).
4.1.2 Modelling and primary surface treatments
Before modelling, a ball was made and compacted between
the hands. It was later fattened to a uniform thickness
(Valenzuela, 1955, p.24). This disc was used as the base and
the support of the walls. It was gradually given a conical
shape (
hacer el canco
) that was placed on a square wooden
table resting on the potter’s lap. Just before modelling
started by coiling, a layer of fne sand was added to avoid
the clay getting stuck
“the potter takes a piece of clay
and, carefully kneading it, turns it into a large coil which
is immediately added to the stumps just mentioned”
(Valenzuela, 1955, p.25). Both the form and the number
of coils varied depending on the kind of vessel produced
(cooking pot,
paila
, large jar,
etc.
). The potter scratched the
surface with a concave gourd (
mate
), opening and stretching
the recipient from inside (
matear
). To soften the border, they
pressed a piece of leather (
cordobán
) between the hands
and applied horizontal swinging movements (Valenzuela,
1955). “
They formed a greda ball, which was left to rest
for some days, covered. After that, they started to shape it.
The canco was a kind of clay cone whose size depended
on the approximate shape they were planning to do: a kilo
for a large jar or a cooking pot, two kilos for each piece.
They modelled it; they were mateando it. They used a mate
of calabash in those days
” (Lucho Olivares, in Montt and
Lecrec, 2017, p.93).
4.1.3 Secondary surface treatment
They started polishing the pot (
pulir
) with a river pebble.
Once the pot was shaped, it was left to dry, and later covered
with a coat of slip and polished again. They frequently added
some greasy liquid to seal the pores of the pot (hen stew or
infundía de gallina
) after the reddish slip (
colo
) had been
applied to the whole surface (
encolar
). The clay slip was
collected from a hill some 70 km distant (San Cristobal),
soaked until the liquid turned thick enough to be ground on
a stone (García Rosselló, 2019) and applied to the pot.
4.1.4 Firing
Firing took place in the house yard. The vessels were placed
on a base of frewood piled up as a bonfre and covered with
new logs and animal dung to preserve the heat inside the
structure. “
The earth was covered with animal dung mixed
with eucalyptus
leaves; a bed was made to hold all the
greda,
which was later covered with dung
” (Esther Guzmán,
in Valdés and Matta, 1986, p.86). They could also build
“a layer of frewood and over it, dried bull dung. The ware is
piled on top, all piled up,
the large cooking pot underneath,
the large
paila
, and the smallest ones on top. Quite high was
the pile. They set light to it in many places and let it burn
all afternoon”
(Teresa Muñoz, in Valdés and Matta, 1986,
p.225).
5. 1930–1950. First workshops and non-specialised
subaltern work
In a rural context where a monetary economy hardly existed,
some villagers coordinated the non-monetary exchange of
pottery in the nearest estates with annual trips to sell the
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ceramics at the Cardonal market (in Valparaiso city) and the
sanctuary at Lo Vázquez.
For this reason, some started to model pottery (
loza
)
all year long and accumulated the surplus for the family’s
annual sales (Valdés and Matta, 1986).
By the 1920s, the husband’s collaboration had become
more frequent: they kneaded the clay and built the bonfre.
Although pottery-making continued as a domestic activity,
there were some temporary and fexible associative
strategies as well. The
medierías
system, an association
of two women where income was equally distributed, was
frequent among adult sisters or single women living in
the same household. This association conditioned labour
division and specialisation, which depended on the vessel
form and the ability of the potter for the diferent technical
tasks. So, the more expert ones used to build the pots and
the less experienced ones dedicated themselves to surface
treatments (Teresa Muñoz and other potters, interviewed by
the author; Valdés and Matta, 1986).
The
mingacos
of pottery were also a type of associative
work. It consisted in buying a high volume of pieces to
be polished collectively in the buyer’s house. Following
this idea, in the 1920s some potters’ houses developed
as small workshops, introducing paid labour. They
hired men to collect and knead the clay, or to prepare
fring structures. Similarly, other women potters were
responsible for modelling (Carmen Álvarez, in Valdés
and Matta, 1986, p.81). Many women worked in other
potters’ houses (Olga Salinas, in Valdés and Matta, 1986)
which had the facilities for pottery-making. Child labour
was also present in this organisation (Valdés and Matta,
1986, p.84). Alternatively, potters could hire workers for
agricultural activities and to collect clay (Mercedes Rosas,
in Valdés and Matta, 1986). This system developed into
a strategy where groups of two to three labourers visited
several houses to knead the clay.
5.1 Learning
With the 1920 regulations stating obligatory schooling until
the age of 13, which coincided with the frst workshops in
the village, pottery learning became more frequent when
women were adults, at the age of 15. When the mother
worked as a paid labourer for another woman, her daughters
usually joined the group to produce miniatures which were
sold and accepted by the potters. The apprentice, free from
doing auxiliary tasks such as kneading and fring, could now
concentrate in learning the manual gestures for modelling.
She also received a salary for collaborating in polishing and
selling her toys and miniatures (García Rosselló, 2019).
The technological changes in the
chaîne opératoire
consisted in:
5.1.1 Collection and preparation of raw materials
The journeymen hired for agricultural activities also
collaborated in some stages of the pottery-making process,
such as clay collection in the hills (Mercedes Rosas, in
Valdés and Matta, 1986). In fact, a team of men would
go from house to house kneading and preparing the clay
(wedging) and even searching for fuel and making the
bonfre. Male participation in pottery production was then
limited to relatively unspecialised tasks which did not
demand an active participation in the learning process and
needed little or no supervision by a women potter (García
Rosselló, 2016).
5.1.2 Modelling and primary surface treatments
Regarding the modelling stage, technical manual skills and
operations did not change, although some potters began to
specialise in just one phase of the process: they worked only
in raw material collection and preparation, or handled the
modelling and fring, for instance (Valdés and Matta, 1986;
Montt and Lecrec, 2017; García Rosselló, 2008, interviews
by the author).
5.1.3 Secondary surface treatments
Many women work in the houses of other potters who have
the facilities for pottery-making. They were frequently hired
for the last stages of surface treatments such as polishing
(Olga Salinas, in Valdés and Matta, 1986, p.81).
Figure 2.
Circular kiln. Author’s photograph, 1999.
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5.1.4 Firing
Around 1930, Ernesto Ordoñez built a one-chamber kiln
(
hornilla
) to fre the fowerpots he had thrown on his potter’s
wheel (Figures 2 and 3). Born in San Antonio, he moved to
Pomaire after marrying Esther Ahumada (Valdes and Matta,
1986; Valenzuela, 1955; Berg
et al.
, 2014; Mont and Lecrec,
2019).
The kiln created by Ordoñez had no parallels in the area,
neither for fowerpots nor vessels. It was his own invention
and consisted of a single-chamber tubular kiln of a circular
plan with no upper cover (Figure 2). Fuel and pottery
were separated by a simple rack and the 20-cm-thick wall
structure built with ordinary bricks was covered by a coat of
wattle and daub (Valenzuela, 1955, p.22). This kind of kiln
became popularised in the region by 1950–55 (Valenzuela,
1955; Tomas Lago, 1971).
Thus, by the mid-1950s, every potter had a similar kiln
in their backyard or even two or three (Figure 3), as they
considered that they allowed them to “
work less and fre
good ware, [so] everybody started to do it that way
” (Teresa
Muñoz, in Valdés and Matta, 1986, p.225; Valenzuela, 1955,
p.22).
6. 1955–1975 Consolidation of specialised workshops
The origins of the mechanisation process in Pomaire can be
dated to around 1930, when Ernesto Ordóñez introduced the
single-chamber kiln and the frst potter’s wheel. However,
while the kiln completely replaced surface bonfres in the
village,
the use and knowledge of the potter’s wheel was not
extended until the 1960s, together with the grinding machine
(García Rosselló, 2016).
Women potters usually decided to hire itinerant pottery-
turners who modelled the basic forms of the pieces. The
women later decorated, polished and slipped these pots. The
potter’s wheels, generally owned by women, were fxed in
the workshops (Valdés and Matta, 1986; García Rosselló,
2008; 2015; interviews by the author).
In time, this process generated the coexistence of diferent
technological strategies and systems of organised production
in the village. In 1973, out of 275 potter families in Pomaire,
132 had a kick wheel and 143 worked hand-made pottery
(Pérez, 1973). It means that 48% of the families already
used the potter’s wheel, while the remaining 52% continued
working by hand, just using the turntable
in some houses. At
the time, 47% of the families sold their unfred production to
other groups who had kilns (Pérez, 1973). This situation may
be related to two related phenomena:
a) The presence of pottery-turners (
cortadores
) who
earned their salary by throwing pots (either at a women
potter’s house or in their own workshop).
b) The work of journey-women who polished and fnished
the wheel-thrown pots.
6.1 Learning
Between 1952 and 1973, the existing learning networks and
systems of knowledge transmission were transformed. The
Pomaire population grew 61%, while the average population
growth rate in the country was 49.7%. The numbers
continued increasing, reaching a sum total of 78% in 1992
and 50.2% at the national level (elaborated from Pérez,
1973). This population growth may be explained by the early
migration of women and men from the village to the city in
the 1920s, and their return in 1950–1960. The introduction
of these women in pottery-making activities brought about
new ideas which were presented in innovative ways, as well
as a higher fexibility for adopting motor patterns diferent
from traditional practices, as they had not participated in the
learning process during childhood. Hence, the origin and
tolerance of these potters facilitated the elaboration of new
types – such as miniatures – and the adoption of innovative
Figure 3.
Square Kiln. Author’s photograph,
2018.
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techniques and systems of labour organisation associated
with the use of the potter’s wheel (García Rosselló, 2019).
The new male actors were also using the potter’s wheel,
and they created their own learning networks, which were
parallel and diferent from the traditional ones in the central
valley (García Rosselló, 2017). Now, women potters did not
completely control the learning process – as new knowledge
transmission networks had been generated. In fact, women
kept working on the technical tasks transmitted in the
traditional learning model from mothers to daughters. They
included surface treatment, decorations and addition of
secondary elements (García Rosselló, 2017).
While the previous technical strategies still continued,
a series of changes in the
chaîne opératoire
were introduced.
They were interconnected and resulted in the mechanisation
of production:
6.1.1 Collection and preparation of raw materials
None of the potters interviewed could specify whether the
introduction of the grinding
machine (Figure 4 and 5) was
prior to or contemporary with the popularisation of the potter’s
wheel. In the women’s recollective memory, the decantation
basin and the grinding machinery were needed for the fner
clays used in some items such as miniatures (interviews by
the author).
In any case, the privatisation of the traditional clay sources
on the hill forced them to use lower quality material from the
valley around Pomaire. However, despite the privatisation,
the potters with less economic resources continued exploiting
it, while others extracted the clay by digging ditches in the
felds around the village (Valenzuela, 1955, p.20), a strategy
even used in 1984 (Esperanza Ahumada, in Valdes and
Matta, 1986, p.84).
In order to wedge these clays, some families introduced
grinding machinery and decantation basins (Figure 4 and 5).
In the 1980s, Esther Guzmán (in Valdés and Matta, 1986,
p.248) described the process in these words: “
The machine
is owned by the wealthier people: these three people who
bought it produce fower-pots. First, they soak the clay in
a hole and then they introduce it into the machine. They have
to pay for the barrow load to receive it at home. A man is
in charge
”. Similarly, Orlando Malhue explained in 2012:
“
They sell us the greda according to our needs: coarse for
large jars, and regular for smaller things
” (Berg
et al.
, 2013,
p.200).
6.1.2 Modelling and primary surface treatments
During the mechanisation process, turntables and kick
wheels were fnally popularised (own observation).
a) Introduction of the kick wheel
In the beginning, the potter’s wheel was not available for
everybody; it was an exclusive technique which was hardly
shared. The only pottery-turner living in Pomaire, Ernesto
Ordoñez, worked in the shadows throwing fower-pots and
did not socialise his knowledge.
By 1950, new turners arrived in the village (René Guerra
and Pedro Meza) from the south (probably from the potter’s
village of Nacimiento) and Puente Alto, near Santiago. They
were hired by a family to produce fower-pots and also
worked secretly, preventing any imitation (O. Malhue, in
Berg
et al.
, 2014, p.203).
At the same time, Ernesto Ordoñez’s son continued his
father’s tradition. It was then that the rest of the village started
to consider the potter’s wheel from a diferent perspective, as
it was used by a man born in the village. Consequently, some
of the inhabitants were interested in learning the technique
and tried to build the frst potter’s wheels.
Both men and women potters considered that around
1960–1966 the frst local potter’s wheels were already in
use: “
In 1966, the frst pottery-turners started to appear and,
as everything takes its time, you need somebody to throw
Figure 4.
Ancient decantation basin and the
grinding machinery. Author’s photograph,
1999.
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274
the pots but you have no potter’s wheel
” (Juan Domingo
Riquelme, Berg
et al.
, 2013, p.168).
David Pardo remembers having seen a potter’s wheel
for the frst time around 1960, when he went to buy clay
at another potter’s house, Raúl Riveros: “
I used to buy the
greda there. And I saw how they worked and I immediately
started to use it
” (Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.49).
Víctor Vera clearly explains the private and secret nature
of the potter’s wheel when it arrived in the village, and the
role the house yards had in making it visible: “
A man arrived,
almost in this same street, and the neighbours used to come
to the yard and think: ‘that man is making twelve jars as
usual’, when suddenly that friend sees that the twelve jars
were not there… ‘What is he doing?’ ‘Magic?’. He sees a lot
of jars all of them even, and the man with the door closed,
the room closed. He peeps through a crack, sees inside the
room, and sees a small potter’s wheel
” (Montt and Lecrec,
2017, p.60).
In the beginning, the adoption of the potter’s wheel was
limited due to the restricted access to the productive space
and the lack of machinery and technical skill. When the wheel
started to be visible and practical, the local population imitated
it using local innovations such as the kick wheel (Figure 6).
Nevertheless, this technical change was not possible
until the potters learnt the new technology and had direct
contact with the machinery. This was the origin of the local
development of mechanisation and a technical transmission
which was not restricted to a few local specialists.
These pioneer attempts were highly rudimentary
and demonstrated that they had not managed either the
mechanism nor the technique: “
he built a potter’s wheel:
the upper disc was made with an old record-player and he
made it there, I don’t know, he imagined that
(Juan Domingo
Riquelme, 2012, in Berg
et al.
, 2013, p.169).
The adaptation to the potter’s wheel and the technical
learning implied were a signifcant local innovation: “
We
built the potter’s wheel, we didn’t know how to rotate it, we
didn’t know how to use it; but then, we shared ideas with
several artisans and we learnt, learnt to throw, to be masters.
I was one of the frst fve cortadores [turners] in Pomaire
”
(Orlando Malhue, in Berg
et al.
, 2013, p.202). This change
demanded fast learning processes, as opposed to the strategy
followed in hand modelling: “
we searched for a master and
built a potter’s wheel (…) in about a week I learnt to cortar
”
(Juan Domingo Riquelme, 2012, in Berg
et al.
, 2013, p.169),
“
the kick potter’s wheel is good to learn the craft, because
the speed can be regulated by the master himself
” (Enrique
Osorio, in Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.117).
The new machinery as well as the technical gestures and
operations used were adapted to elaborate the traditional
pottery forms women used to model by hand (Figure 7).
Thus, the use of the potter’s wheel was accommodated to
the local types. The forms were generally plates, fower jars
and similar vessels (Figure 8): “
almost everything that is
rounded – plates, ovens, little vessels – is wheel-thrown
(...)
”
(Ester Guzmán, in Valdés and Matta, 1986, p.241). David
Pardo, considering modern times, explains the process
in this way: “
With the potter’s wheel you can only create
forms with a circular base, because the disc that rotates and
is impulsed by the feet or an engine (several potters have
adapted a washing-machine engine) restricts the work. After
some 30 seconds, when the piece is ready, the master ‘cuts’ it
with a nylon fshing thread, detaches it from the machine and
puts it to dry. Other processes must be applied later
” (Montt
and Lecrec, 2017, p.49).
There were itinerant pottery-turners who went from house
to house throwing (
cortando
) the base form of the pots, using
the potter’s wheels women potters had at home: “
There
are cortadores who work in their own house, with their
potter’s wheels, but it is not convenient because, you see, we
would need to take them the greda, and then go to collect
it. It is better if they come here
” (Ester Guzmán, in Valdés
Figure 5
Clay storage and processing
workshop. Author’s photograph, 2005.
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and Matta, 1986, p.241). In this way, women continued
controlling the productive process strongly related to the
domestic space: “
I go to many houses. I design what they
ask for. Here they throw cooking pots, there pailas, grills.
Some time before, we threw mainly fowerpots, but now it is
lost, because of plastic
” (Enrique Osorio, Montt and Lecrec,
2017, p.117).
At the beginning there were only 5 pottery-turners
(
cortadores
), who combined the work in their own workshop
with visits to other potters’ houses:
“As we did not have
[a potter’s wheel] we went to a turner’s house, we took him
the greda (…) and we asked him to do the pieces there
”. The
job of the
cortadores
was part-time, supplemented by other
activities: “
My father had a place. I made the pottery. We
used to work with cured meat in winter, and in the summer,
we made pottery in his place. His brothers learnt there
.”
(J. Riquelme, in Berg
et al.
, 2014, p.169).
b) Introduction of the turntable
A few references describe the existence of turntables by
1930: “
At this time, there were no potter’s wheels but rather
a disc which was moved with a screw. But not an actual
kick wheel. There were no cortadores, everything was hand-
made
” (Rosa Torres Astorga, in Valdés and Matta, 1986,
Figure 6.
Traditional Pomaire kick wheel.
Author’s photograph, 2018.
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p.215). “
They used small potter’s wheels which were rotated
by hand. Those have always been used. Some cancos
were
modelled there, some cones, which were left to dry
” (Norma
Riquelme, in Valdes and Matta, 1986, p.305).
However, available documentary references demonstrate
that most of the population continued modelling on
a wooden table until the 1950s–70s and even later. Many
reports indicate the use of turntables by women potters by
the 1960s (
ayuda manos,
according to Víctor Vera, in Montt
and Lecrec, 2017, p.60). Before this machinery was in use,
they resorted to a wooden box. In fact, the frst turntables
recorded were “
an apple wooden box, a broomstick and
a wooden plate on the fywheel (…) until someone included
a button. And you sit here and it started in that way
” (Víctor
Vera, in Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.60).
The turntable was a tool, which prevented working on the
foor, a position which forced the potter to rotate around the
piece. Juana Mendoza clearly explained it “
now there are
turntables: instead of having to go round the pot, now you
turn the turntable
” (Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.60). On the
turntable “
they put the canco [inverted clay cone which is
given a form] with a wet base so it “rotated on its own”
(Patricio Muñoz, in Montt and Lecrec, 2017, p.37),
“She
put it in position imitating a bell and started to matear it.
Figure 7.
Handmade and pottery wheel
technical gestures. A – building pot with
potter’s wheel and tool. B – Surface
treatments with potter’s wheel and river
pebble. C – Traditional hand-made surface
treatments. D – Traditional hand-made
building pot. Author’s photograph, 1999–2007.
A
C
B
D
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Then, the hand helped her, she did not have the piece on her
hand any more, she was mateando
” (Víctor Vera Montt and
Lecrec, 2017, p.60).
Available accounts, documental records and feld
work describe the generalisation of the turntable among
traditional women potters. It was a local innovation with
high variability: some were made of iron or wood, and they
were either square or circular (Figure 9; see, for instance
the Photographic Archive of the research group “
Género,
historia y ruralidad
” at the CEDEM).
6.1.3 Secondary surface treatments
In this process, when the potter’s wheel was used to shape
pots, the man threw the base forms and the woman
orejeaba
(fxed the handles),
encolaba
(applied slip) and polished
the pots using fat
stones and pieces of leather (Peters and
Núñez, 1999, p.37).
On the other hand, the women potters who had a turntable
could either continue doing the whole process or dedicate
themselves to the secondary surface treatments.
For women potters, the process after forming the pot was
extremely important before the arrival of the kick wheel
and the introduction of men in the modelling process.
This importance was refected in the terminology used: the
“
armado
” (building) referred to modelling while “
componer
”
(composing) was the fnishing.
In fact, it was a context where production was focused on
pottery decoration: they made utilitarian forms, which were
later decorated with plastic applications.
6.1.4 Firing
Firing did not change during this period. The procedure is
even used nowadays, although in the last decade’s gas and
electric kilns started to be generalised.
Figure 8.
Pomaire traditional pottery forms
today. Author’s photograph, 2015–2018.
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7. Conclusions
The early specialisation of potters at Pomaire due to the
annual sale markets had a dynamising efect in transforming
labour organisation. It implied the arrival of specialised
workers and the creation of diferentiated spaces in their
houses. The frst workshops developed under the leadership
of the wealthier women potters. Other women were then
hired for modelling and fnishing, and some men would
fulfl auxiliary tasks such as clay collection, kneading and
preparation of the fring place, together with the surveillance
and provision of frewood.
Hence, the activities related to the learning process,
which had traditionally been in charge of the youngest
potters, became standardised and made by journeymen.
Eventually, it would create the appropriate conditions for
changes in knowledge transmission networks and in the
learning process. Another reason for these changes was the
girls’ access to formal education and the massive arrival of
a foreign population to the village. Both groups would learn
the craft in their adult age, with the consequent fexibility
and freedom for the introduction of new techniques.
A thorough analysis of the sources used indicated that the
economic rentability and technical efciency were not the
only reasons for the technological changes implied in the
introduction of the potter’s wheel.
However, the reduction of the working time it was
identifed with, and the subsequent increase in production,
did not produce a net increase of the monetary income in
the Pomaire population, who had just recently entered the
market economy. Rather, and more importantly, it meant the
incorporation of all the family members to the productive
process and the origin of their new organisation system.
Rentability and efciency were not the only factors which
may participate in the generalisation of the potter’s wheel
among the population. Other reasons, such as the reduced
geographical marginality due to the popularisation of some
means of transport, the role played by immigrants, ideology,
the local situation and the transformation of learning systems
also played a signifcant role in the fexibility and acceptance
of new ideas, techniques and labour organisation systems.
In this sense, the outcome and generalisation of the
potter’s wheel was related to the end of a process defned
by social, ideological and economic changes already taking
place in the village. The consolidation of male work and
the generalisation of the potter’s wheel were the material
expression of these changes rather than the engine which
initiated them.
The introduction of the potter’s wheel was possible
because the population had already incorporated
technological changes in raw materials preparation and in
the fring process, as well as in the productive modes and
labour organisation.
The data discussed here evidenced the need to distinguish
between the incorporation of a “
foreign
” innovation, its
“
local
” acceptance and adaptation, and its generalisation in
the population. This must be understood as a process where
technological changes are in a constant negotiation, being
permanently accepted and rejected.
Men had always helped in the domestic pottery production,
although non-systematically working in the tasks, which did
not demand a period of long learning and manual practice
and, certainly, not in the ones which escaped to women
socialisation. With the incorporation of workshops, this
situation would not change. However, the access of men to
the potter’s wheel would turn them into manufacturers of
base forms, under the service of women potters from diferent
families. Women thus continued controlling the production
process while men worked itinerantly, rotating among the
diferent workshops with potter’s wheels. This system has
traditionally been interpreted as a male job, where the woman
just helped to polish and decorate. However, I believe it was
just the opposite: in this case, the man is the one who had
to move to the potter’s workshop and helped them to model
basic forms faster.
The connections between male work on the one hand
and the use of the potter’s wheel, the origin of workshops
and technological change on the other are not so evident.
In fact, men had been incorporated into pottery production
long before the potter’s wheel appeared. And women had
started to organise primitive workshops hiring workers
even before the frst structural technological modifcations
were evident.
Figure 9.
Types of turntables. Author’s design.
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All this process should be framed within the process of
social transformations between the 1930s and 1970s which
aimed to solve specifc problems within the context of local
adaptations. This is such a situation where the incorporation
of new actors and new information transmission networks
would have played a fundamental role.
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