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XII/2/2021
INTERDISCIPLINARIA ARCHAEOLOGICA
NATURAL SCIENCES IN ARCHAEOLOGY
homepage: http://www.iansa.eu
Old World Methods, New World Pots. The Introduction of the Potter’s Wheel
to the Spanish Colonies of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí
(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
Marlieke Ernst
1,2*
1
Leiden University, Einsteinweg 2, 2333 CC Leiden, the Netherlands
2
KITLV – Royal Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, Reuvensplaats 2, 2311 BE Leiden, the Netherlands
1. Introduction
The early colonial Spanish Caribbean, from the arrival of
Columbus in 1492 until 1562, was a space in which many
cultures were forced to interact through the process of
colonization (Hofman and Keehnen, 2019; Ulloa Hung
et al.
,
2021). The island of Hispaniola (present-day Haiti and the
Dominican Republic) was the frst island to experience large-
scale intercultural interactions as a result of Spanish colonial
actions. This set the stage for the course of colonization in
the rest of the Americas (Hofman
et al.
, 2018; forthcoming).
Results of the frst encounters between the Spanish colonizers
and the inhabitants of the island encompassed (armed)
conficts, invasion, conquest, enslavement, misunderstandings,
and a range of other intercultural interactions including
intermarriage, as well as exchange of goods, food items, and
ideas (Deagan, 1988; 2004; Hofman
et al.
, forthcoming; Sauer,
1966; Valcárcel Rojas
et al.
, 2013; 2019). These exchanges
resulted in a process of transculturation; a creative, ongoing
process of appropriation, imitation, revision, negotiation, and
survival in both social and material dimensions (Ortiz, [1940]
1955). Here transculturation is seen as the (re)negotiation
of cultural values and the creation of new materials as
a result. Most researchers recognise this process occurring
within a somewhat equal colonial situation (Middle-Ground
colonialism, Gosden, 2006). However, the agency of
colonised and enslaved individuals within a Terra Nullius
situation (a more drastic colonial category such as the case
in the Spanish Americas), should not be discarded. Scholars
have come to understand that subjugated people are not
simply victims of their particular colonial histories, but rather
that they are active players in the creation of social, political
and ideological aspects of social life (Spielman
et al.
, 2006).
Here I consider that their (subaltern) agency is therefore also
refected within the material culture manufactured and used
during the lives of the people of the early colonial Caribbean.
Volume XII ● Issue 2/2021 ● Pages 247–256
*Corresponding author. E-mail: marlieke_ernst@hotmail.com
ARTICLE INFO
Article history:
Received: 1
st
February 2021
Accepted: 23
rd
August 2021
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.24916/iansa.2021.2.10
Key words:
chaîne opératoire
wheel-coiling
ceramic technology
colonialism
transculturation
intercultural interaction
ABSTRACT
Wheel-made ceramics from early colonial Caribbean sites (1492–1562) have traditionally been labelled
as European imports. This paper challenges that assumption, as the intercultural interactions within
colonies in the New World have led to the creation of new social identities and changing material
culture repertoires. Macro-trace ceramic analysis from the sites of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí
(Hispaniola, present-day Dominican Republic) show that the potter’s wheel was in fact introduced to
the Spanish colonies at an early stage. The evidence of RKE (rotative kinetic energy) on sherds and the
discovery of parts of a potter’s wheel are the earliest traces of the potter’s wheel found in the Americas.
Here we aim to present how the potter’s wheel was introduced within the context of transcultural
pottery forming. This paper will show that traditional coiling techniques were supplemented with
fnishing techniques on the wheel. The transformation processes within ceramic repertoires are
assessed through theories of colonialism and learning processes, combined with archaeological and
ethnoarchaeological assessment of the ceramic
chaîne opératoire
. Evidence from ceramic analysis is
combined with historical sources to understand social processes surrounding the technological changes
behind the introduction of the potter’s wheel to the New World colonies.
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(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
248
Interaction, negotiation, and transculturation did not
solely occur between the Indigenous peoples of Hispaniola
and the colonists from Spain: there were multiple cultures at
play. In 1503, the Spanish Crown granted legal justifcation
to forcibly remove, relocate, and enslave Indigenous peoples
across the islands (Anderson-Córdova, 2017; Hofman
et al.
, 2018; Rivera-Pagán, 2003; Sued Badillo, 2001; Ulloa
Hung
et al.
, 2021). As a result, Hispaniola saw an infux of
Indigenous enslaved labourers from surrounding islands
and the mainland of South America. By 1505, the Crown
authorised the relocation of African enslaved peoples to the
islands. This was initially for the African enslaved peoples
already enslaved in Europe, but later this relocation was also
legally justifed for forceful removal of enslaved peoples
directly from Africa (Deive, 1980; Palmié, 2011; Rivera-
Pagán, 2003). These processes resulted in the formation of
communities of enslaved Indigenous and African peoples
within Spanish colonial cities, creating a very diverse,
multicultural, colonial society.
This paper assesses intercultural interactions and the
transculturation process within the wheel-made ceramics
excavated from two coexisting colonial sites in Hispaniola –
the fort of Concepción de la Vega and one of its surrounding
goldmines, Cotuí – to show how techniques and styles from
diferent cultural backgrounds merged to a new ceramic
repertoire refecting the colonial realities. Material culture
from early colonial sites can ofer key insights into various
interactions between people living within the colonial
realities (Deagan, 1988; 1998; 2004; Deagan and Cruxent,
2002; Hofman
et al.
, forthcoming). Within early colonial
Caribbean archaeology, the material culture of the colonies
has (up until recently) been studied from a historical bias
in which Indigenous peoples of the Caribbean disappeared
within a couple of decades after the conquest, with no room
for much subaltern agency (Deagan and Cruxent, 2002;
Rouse, 1992; Ulloa Hung
et al.
, 2021; Wilson, 1990). This
was also the case for the ceramics presented here. The
sherds of this ceramics have very clear traces that evidence
the use of the potter’s wheel and because of this historical
bias have thus been labelled as prior European imports
(Deagan, 1999; Ortega and Fondeur, 1987b). I would like
to challenge that assumption, as the intercultural encounters
within colonies in the New World led to the creation of new
social identities and changing material culture repertoires.
Macro-trace ceramic analysis of the
chaînes opératoires
present within these ceramics show that the potter’s wheel
was introduced to the Spanish colonies at an early stage,
ofering new venues for studying transculturation within the
creation of ceramics. In this article I will frst briefy discuss
the historical background of the sites studied in order to
better understand the cultures present within the colonies.
Then I will go into the ways we can study ceramic change
and the methodologies applied in this study; then the ceramic
data will be presented. In the discussion, interpretations will
be made about the manufacturing techniques, morphologies,
and styles in connection to the historical background of the
colonial towns.
2. The Spanish colonies Concepción de la Vega
and Cotuí
The colonial town of Concepción de la Vega (Figure 1),
consisting of a military fort, a monastery, and a residential
Figure 1.
Map of the island of Hispaniola with the locations of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí by Marlieke Ernst.
0 100 km
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(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
249
part of the town, existed between 1494 and 1562. La Vega
was the largest Spanish settlement on the island during
the early colonial period, and housed both elite and non-
elite European colonists, as well as Indigenous and African
enslaved peoples. This variety of peoples present in the city
makes this city a perfect case study for assessing colonial
intercultural interactions and transculturation. Situated in
the Cibao Valley, the town played an important role for the
Spaniards in gaining gold. Its economy was mainly based on
gold mining by the enslaved Indigenous and African workers
(with gold mines surrounding the city) and gold minting
(Guerro, 2005; Las Casas, 1974, vol. 2). It soon became
a commercial and cosmopolitan place in which many people
were forcefully put to work as well as living within their
colonial realities (Cohen, 1997). Later, a shift towards
sugar production and cattle herding occurred (Cohen, 1997;
Deagan, 1999; Kulstad, 2019; Shephard, 1997). Concepción
de la Vega was excavated in the 1950s by John Goggin, in
1976–1979 by José González, and in 1994 by the University
of Florida. The archaeological materials found at the site
refect the many cultures living in Concepción de la Vega,
as they consist of a mix of Spanish and Indigenous artifacts
(García Arévalos, 1978; Kulstad, 2019), as well as some
transcultural artifacts showcasing Indigenous, Spanish, and
African technologies and styles (see Ernst, in prep.). The
great abundance of material culture indicates the wealth of
the colony (García Arévalo, 1978; Kulstad, 2019). Interesting
for this research is the archaeological fnd of a tournette,
a part of the potters’ wheel, suggesting on site pot-making
(Card, 2007; Ortega, 1980, p.271).
Cotuí ( or site 11, Figure 1) is also known as the colonial
mining camp of the frst goldmine exploited by the Europeans
in the New World and dates between 1505 and 1562 (Olsen
Bogaert
et al.
, 2011a; Rincón, 2004). The gold of Cotuí was
minted twice a year in Concepción de la Vega. The camp
comprised of a church and the mining camp, which consisted
of three plots of stone buildings. Additionally, 8 postholes
were found, which possibly represent a perishable booth or
a place to prepare food or to process the mined materials
(Olsen Bogeart
et al.
, 2011a; 2011b). The material
assemblage from the 2007–2008 excavations of this mining
camp included Spanish, Indigenous and transcultural
materials and most of the artefacts were ceramics. Various
stone tools were recovered, including tools likely used in
the manufacture of ceramics, indicating on-site pottery
production (Olsen Bogeart, 2011a). The presence of luxury
metal and glass objects refect the importance of the mine to
the colonists (Olsen Bogeart
et al.
, 2011a; 2011b)
3. Ceramic analysis towards ceramic change
In order to understand transculturation within early colonial
ceramics, this research will study continuity and changes in
the ceramic
chaînes opératoires
from Concepción de la Vega
and Cotuí. By studying what traditions were kept and what
changed, scholars can gain insight into what was important
to the manufacturer and/or consumer. Consumers, in this
case, can be both enslaved peoples as well as colonizers.
Both have to be taken into account when interpreting the
ceramic data, were it to do with diferent theories with
regard to colonial power-relations or otherwise. When it
comes to infuences on the transculturation process we can
hypothesise cases of subaltern agency and resistance against
the colonial regime (certain traditions are continued as they
are of importance to the colonised) (Bogues, 2002; Cooper,
1994; Edwards, 2017; Guha, 1982; Hintzen, 2005; James,
1963), cultural negotiation (the re-evaluation of traditions
and the incorporation of new ones) (Ortiz, [1940] 1955),
but also the colonial demand of maintaining parts of the life
they had left behind (the re-creation of Spanish life in the
New World) (Deagan and Cruxent, 2002b; McEwan, 1995;
Ortega, 1980).
Here the continuity and changes in ceramic production
are investigated through both a technological approach by
studying the macro-traces, as well as a morphological and
stylistic study of the ceramics. Interpretation of the meaning
of the technique, shape, and style serve to cross-check one
another, and each ceramic feature is best understood in its
relation to the whole (Ernst, in prep.; Shepard, 1976). The
ceramics analysed for this study come from the previous
extensive excavations at Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí.
The ceramics were analysed in the Dominican Republic
in both the Museo del Hobre Dominicano and on site at
Concepción de la Vega where most of the archaeological
materials from the excavations are stored. The ceramic sherds
were classifed by vessel shape and wall profle, lip shape and
rim profle, wall thickness, orifce diameter and percentage of
rim present, decorations, vessel interior and exterior Munsell
colours, fring atmosphere, surface fnish, and the presence
of slips or appendages (Hofman, 1993). The interpretation of
ceramic manufacture techniques relies on diagnostic features
that provide information on the techniques, methods,
procedures, tools, and/or gestures used. This research mostly
follows Valentine Roux’s methodology for identifying traces
of the
chaînes opératoires
in ceramic objects (adapted for
the situation in the feld where little to no electricity was
present) (Ernst, in prep.; Ernst and Hofman, 2019; Manem,
2008; Roux, 2016b; 2019; Roux and Courty, 2013). This
approach enables the study of the manufacture process of
material culture, and reveals the technological choices
made by the potter (Leroi-Gourhan, 1964; Roux, 2016a;
2016b; 2019). Similar to many Caribbean archaeological
assemblages, the presented case studies yielded mostly
small fragments of a variety of vessel shapes. In order to
recognise features that establish a hypothetical relationship
for a group of sherds, selection was carried out according the
presence of macrotraces for wheel-made ceramics. Sherds
that displayed traces of rilling, concentric striations of the
base, and drag marks were selected during the study of the
entire ceramic assemblages of Concepción de la Vega and
Cotuí (Ernst, in prep.). Description of macro-traces is carried
out on both the internal and external surfaces of sherds, as
well as the cross sections. Macrotraces include attributes
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(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
250
visible to the naked eye as well as attributes visible under
low magnifcation (40×) (Roux, 2016b; 2019).
The
chaînes opératoires
of ceramics refect the potters’
diferent technological traditions, networks, and strategies
(Duistermaat, 2016; Herbich and Dietler, 2008; Gosselain,
2000; 2011; Lemonnier, 1992; 2012; Leroi-Gourhan, 1964;
Roux, 2016b). The techniques applied are determined
by the potters’ conceptualisation of pottery technologies.
These technologies involve motor skills and specialised
gestures deeply rooted within the learned behaviours of the
potter (Rice, 1984; Skibo and Schifer, 2008). This pottery
technology is what potters express as essential characteristics
of their wares, especially in terms of how they think pots
should be made and what they look like. Even within such
drastic situations as colonialism, it has been shown that
maintaining part of these technologies are a way to maintain
ties to the potter’s roots and identity. At the same time,
these technological traditions are not completely static and
can change as a result of a variety of internal and external
factors as the potters adapt to new situations. Some of these
factors include invasion and conquest, as well as innovation
and inspiration through new cultural forms. People within
intercultural interactions may bring their own objects and
ideas to the transculturation process, which result in changes
to established manufacturing techniques (Duistermaat, 2016;
Gosselain, 1998; 1999; 2000; Livingstone Smith, 2000; van
der Leeuw, 1993; Rice, 1984; Roux, 2016a; Wallaert, 2008).
It is therefore possible to expect transculturation within the
creation of ceramics in a colonial situation.
In order to understand the creation and mixing of the
chaînes opératoires
, morphology, and styles within the
assemblages, in their colonial context, a comparison has to
be made with precolonial ceramic traditions. In assessing the
transculturation within the analysed ceramics, it is important
to not only compare the traditions present in the La Vega
and Cotuí ceramic assemblages with pre-1492 Hispaniolan
traditions, but also with ceramics from historically-
known cultures present in the studied colonies. In order to
assess the precolonial (from just before or around 1492)
Caribbean, European, and African ceramic technologies
and styles, an extensive literature research was conducted,
in combination with stylistic analysis in several museums
(Ernst, in prep.). Combining the ceramic data from this study
with the ceramic traditions pre-1492 and the historical data
about the people living and working in Concepción de la Vega
and Cotuí (Las Casas, [1527] 1974; Oviedo, [1535] 1851;
Pané, [1571] 1999) ofers us a unique vision on systems of
colonialism as well as subaltern agencies, negotiation, and
resistance.
4. Wheel-made ceramics in the colonies
The ceramic assemblage presented in this paper has
traditionally been classifed as European import wares, as the
potter’s wheel was not indigenous to the Caribbean pre-1492.
They have been classifed as wares similar to the
Merida
ware
, whose origins are attributed to Merida in southwestern
Spain. They are theorised to be a mass-produced export
ware for the colonies (Deagan, 1987; Ortega, 1980; Ortega
and Fondeur, 1978a; 1978b; Vicens Vives, 1969). However,
pastes of these sherds closely resemble pastes from more
locally-produced, indigenous ceramics on a macroscopic
level, although less coarsely tempered than the indigenous
sherds. Eventually, petrographic analysis of the two varieties
of clays of this type (conducted by the KU Leuven) suggests
a local provenance for these clays (Ernst, in prep.; Stienaers,
pers. comm.; Ting
et al.
, 2018). This, together with the fnd
of a partial potter’s wheel at la Vega (Card, 2007; Ortega and
Fondeur, 1978b), suggests the introduction of wheel-made
ceramics in early colonial Hispaniola.
The types presented here are based on the
chaîne opératoire
,
morphology, and style. Unfortunately, very few complete
vessels with traces of the wheel were recovered. Based on
rim sherds of at least fve cm in size, a reconstruction could
be made of the vessel orifce. There are two diferences
within the
chaînes opératoires
of the wheel-made ceramics
in connection to the vessel shape and the decorations, as
outlined below.
4.1 Type 1
The frst type consists of the smallest group within the wheel-
made ceramics (Figure 2). Generally seen, most of the clays
selected for the manufacture of these ceramics were of
a very-fne to fne clay of a red to reddish-brown or greyish-
brown paste. Macrotraces present in this group evidence
rilling and drag marks on the inner and outer surface of the
vessel as a result of the continuous pressures from the fngers
or potter’s tools (Jefra, 2011; Courty and Roux, 1995; Roux
and Courty, 1998). They show rhythmic ridges and grooves
that spiral around the vessel’s walls. They are present both on
the inside and the outside of the sherds. Concentric striations
on the bottom of the base are also amongst the characteristics.
These are caused by the cutting of of the vessel from the
turning wheel with a wire or thread, either while the wheel is
rotating or stationary (Roux, 2019).
Here I consciously use the phrase ‘wheel-made’ instead
of ‘wheel-thrown’. Closer examination of the sherds that
exhibit traces of the potter’s wheel reveals that the potter’s
wheel was not used in the roughout stage of the ceramic
chaîne opératoire
. Instead, the initial hollow form from clay
is created by coiling – and the potter’s wheel is then used
as a shaping technique. Coil sizes range from 1.5 to 2 cm.
The combination of coiling and wheel-shaping depends on
what stage RKE is introduced into the process for shaping
clay. There are thickness discontinuities in the vertical and
horizontal plane and dented places on the vessel surface as
a result of the thinning and shaping operations, whilst rotating
most likely through a combination of Roux and Courtney’s
(1998) Method 1 and Method 2 (Ernst, in prep.). The fnishing
techniques consisted of smoothing the vessel surface. The
fring conditions under which these ceramics were fred were
either complete oxidization, or incomplete oxidation (but
relatively well oxidised). There was no post-fring fnishing.
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(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
251
All examples of this
chaîne opératoire
were the ones with
a morphology representing plates. These are considered to
be serving plates, most likely associated with serving wares
for the Spaniards. None of the plates were decorated.
4.2 Type 2
The second category (Figure 3) is the largest one within the
wheel-made assemblage. Generally seen, most of the clays
selected for the manufacture of this group were of a very-fne
to fne clay of a red or reddish-brown to greyish-brown paste.
Macrotraces consist of rilling over the entire vessel surface
(Figure 3c). Very few base sherds were present, the few base
sherds showing both concentric as well as arced striations
at the bottom (Figure 3a). Like type 1, this group was also
manufactured according to the wheel-coiling technique. Coil
sizes range between 0.8 and 2.6 cm in diameter. Coil seams
are rare, but when present they are not parallel to the rilling
traces. The radial plane of this group shows coil joins with
a fat join, but on the rare occasion S-shaped joins could be
recognised in the thinner sherds (Figure 3b). Some drag marks
are visible on the interior and the exterior walls of the vessels.
These traces suggest that wheel coiling was done according to
Roux and Courty’s (1998) Method 3, meaning that the coils
are built by discontinuous pressure, without the help of RKE.
The joining of the coils, as well as the thinning and shaping,
is done on the potter’s wheel with RKE (Ernst, in prep.). The
sherds are fnished with fne rilling and some drag marks which
show traces of rotational smoothing operations (Jefra, 2011).
The fring conditions under which these ceramics were fred
were either complete oxidation, or incomplete oxidation (but
relatively well oxidised). There was no post-fring fnishing.
A small percentage (8%) of sherds from this group showed
evidence of component construction. This is when there are
traces that indicate that a vessel is comprised of several
parts formed separately and then joined together (fssures,
overhangings, fnger-pinching marks). In this case joining
traces showcased a form of separate formation, which
indicates the presence of two vessel body segments joined
together. In these cases, there was the presence of a sharp
change in wall angle, which would be difcult to create in
one single potting action (Roux, 2019).
The majority of the vessels within this category are of
an unrestricted jar with an almost straight wall, with orifce
diameters ranging from 12 to 41 cm. The second group
entailed unrestricted jars with the largest diameter above
the mid-height of the vessel and diameters up to 30 cm
(Figure 3f). The profle of these larger jars (both restricted
and unrestricted) suggests a possible association with
sugar production, which was introduced to the Caribbean
at Concepción de la Vega in 1503. Furthermore, this group
also consists of pot lids with diameters between 8 and 12 cm.
There are two types of pot lids present: 1) the frst has a fat
base with upraised edges and one handle in the middle of the
top of the lid; 2) the second shape has a hollow body that
can be placed over a vessel’s neck. This second pot lid shape
was the shape that showed component construction. The last
shape within this group consists of an open bowl.
About 50% of the sherds from this type are decorated.
The dominant decorative technique is incised decoration;
a comb-like tool is dragged over the surface of the vessel
while still wet (Figure 3d). In this case, these comb-dragged
patterns are often multi-banded with intersecting straight and
wavy lines. The most common placement of the patterns is
on, or just under, the rim, but they also appear on the inside
of an open bowl, and along the entire surface of a pot lid.
Some of the rims of the larger vessels do not only bear
incisions, but are also decorated with a pattern created by
fnger pinching the rim whilst the clay is wet (Figure 3e).
Figure 2.
Vessel shape and Macrotraces of Type 1 of the wheel-made ceramics from Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí: a) rilling and concentric striations
on the base, b) top view of the plate, c) drawing of the vessel morphology.
0 10 cm
a)
b)
c)
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5. The introduction of the potter’s wheel to colonial
Hispaniola
At this point it is impossible to identify exactly who
manufactured the wheel-made ceramics at Concepción
de la Vega and Cotuí. Taking the historical contexts of the
colonies in mind, we know that ceramic traditions from the
Caribbean, the mainland of South America, Europe, and
Africa could possibly have been introduced to the colony. In
order to understand which traditions were introduced to the
transculturation process, we can take a look at the
chaînes
opératoires
of these ceramics in combination with their
shapes and styles. The shape of the plates of Type 1 resembles
the ones from Spain in form. However, they also difer much
Figure 3.
Vessel shape and macrotraces of type 2 of the wheel-made ceramics from Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí: a) concentric striations at the base,
b) coil joining and traces of coils at the section, c) rilling, d) comb-dragged patterns, e) comb-dragged patterns in combination with fnger pinching on the
rim, f) vessel shapes.
a)
c)
b)
d)
f)
e)
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Marlieke Ernst: Old World Methods, New World Pots. The Introduction of the Potter’s Wheel to the Spanish Colonies of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí
(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
253
from the original Spanish serving plates. Spanish plates tend
to be all-glazed: ranging from simple Melado glazes (i.e.
simple lead-glazed wares) to intricate decorated majolicas
such as Morisco wares, Columbia Plain, Yayal Blue on
White, Isabela Polychrome, etc. (Deagan, 1987). None of
the plates within this type had any decoration. Furthermore,
Spanish plates tend to be slightly thinner than the plates
presented here. The samples within Type 1 had an average
thickness of 0.8 mm (against 0.5 mm for the Spanish plates).
The indigenous ceramics of Hispaniola do not have similar
plate shapes, the closest shape that can be considered
somewhat similar are thin griddles. Thin griddles are also
present within the assemblage of Concepción de la Vega and
Cotuí. Like the plates they are coil built, but instead they are
not shaped and fnished on the wheel. Further, they do not
have the diagnostic plate “foot” and they are completely
fat instead of exhibiting a slight gradient like these plates
do. Griddles in the Caribbean are generally used as cooking
ware and often exhibit traces of use on the fre, although
there are some examples that do not show traces of cooking
(Ciofalo
et al.
, 2019; Rodríguez Suarez and Pagán-Jiménez,
2008). None of the plates presented here exhibit fre traces.
Coiling techniques are very common techniques within both
indigenous Caribbean and African potting traditions pre1492.
Meanwhile, the potter’s wheel is a Spanish introduction to
the
chaîne opératoire
of these ceramics (Ernst, in prep.).
For the second group, the shapes resemble typical
Iberian forms that have descended from a long-standing
Mediterranean ceramic tradition (Ernst and Hofman, 2019;
Ernst and Weaver, in prep.). This accounts for all the
shapes present within this group (i.e. the large unrestricted
and restricted jars, the pot lids, and the open bowls). The
large jars have most likely been introduced to the colony in
connection with the sugar production that the Spanish started
in Concepción de la Vega. But these vessels are not merely
copy wares in which indigenous potters were forced to make
Iberian shapes. The decorative attributes present seem to
show the incorporation of Indigenous, African, and European
techniques in the transculturation process very well. Comb-
dragged and wavy line motifs are very common in Yoruba
ceramics from West Africa since at least the 13
th
century. And
annular wavy-bands, both in singular and multiple registers,
have a broader application in the ceramics associated with
cultures throughout West Africa (Blier, 2015; Ernst and
Hofman, 2019; Ernst and Weaver, in prep.; Manning, 2011).
Wheel-coiling uses the potter’s wheel to facilitate the
joining, thinning, or smoothing of the coiled roughout (Jefra,
2011; Roux, 2019). It is proposed that the skills for wheel-
shaping is less difcult to learn then wheel-throwing, as they
are an extension of hand-building techniques (Jefra, 2011;
Roux and Courty, 1998). This is because it does not imply
a change from the accustomed practice, either in technique or
skill. Wheel-shaping allows the potter to build vessels up in
stages and can thus be adapted to a variety of manufacturing
settings and equipment types. Wheel-shaping may allow the
potter to make a vessel that resembles the wheel-throwing
technique visually without spending too much time on
learning this technology, which can be a potentially valuable
cultural commodity.
Since the vessels are not wheel-thrown, a Spanish potter is
less likely the maker; however, a Spanish person who knows
the potting technique will likely have been involved in the
learning process at some point in time.
6. Final remarks
The ceramic material presented in this article shows the
frst evidence of the use of the potter’s wheel within the
Caribbean colonies. Here I have shown that the introduction
of the potter’s wheel in the Americas was not a mere one-
to-one transition from Spain to the Caribbean. The presence
of Spanish vessel shapes, manufactured with Spanish,
Indigenous, and African techniques, shows interesting
steps within the transculturation process that occurred in
Hispaniola after 1492.
The presence of Iberian vessel shapes within these wares
could refect the intention of the Spanish colonists to maintain
their own known lifestyle within the colonies (Rodriguez-
Alegria, 2005; Deagan and Cruxent, 2002). This can also be
seen in the appearance of the vessels with a wheel fnish. It
might have meant that a Spanish-looking vessel was desired
by the Spaniards (consumers) living in Concepción de la Vega
and Cotuí. This is particularly shown within the wheel-made
ceramics Type 1. Plates are here considered to be serving
ware, used in the more visible spaces within the colony: hence
the Spanish colonists probably had to utilise these ceramic
items at some point in time. The presence of Type 1 with
an Old-World shape and wheel-made appearance might have
meant that Spanish-looking vessels were desired within these
visible spaces of the colony. The local and African, traditional,
roughout techniques suggests that these vessels were perhaps
not made by Spanish potters, but by enslaved labourers within
the colonial system. This could reveal some degree of cultural
preservation within an enslaved situation in this early colonial
setting (Ernst, 2016; Ernst and Hofman, 2019).
The presence of the comb-dragged lines within the
wheel-made Type 2 ceramics shows the materialisation of
the transculturation process quite well. The traces of the
fnishing on the potter’s wheel as well as the presence of
Iberian shapes show the infuence of the Spaniards that were
present in the colony. But at the same time, we see African
decorative techniques as well as the use of Indigenous- and
African-forming techniques. This ofers us some insights into
the agency of the enslaved peoples, living within the colonial
systems of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí. Although
enslaved labourers within the colonial systems of Hispaniola
are often seen to have lived marginal lives in the colonies,
the transculturation in these pots shows us that within the
less visible places in the colony people were very much able
to maintain some of their traditions (Ernst, in prep.; Ernst
and Hofman, 2019).
The ceramics presented in this paper have shown that
both Indigenous and African enslaved peoples and Spanish
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Marlieke Ernst: Old World Methods, New World Pots. The Introduction of the Potter’s Wheel to the Spanish Colonies of Concepción de la Vega and Cotuí
(Dominican Republic 1495–1562)
254
colonists have infuenced the ceramics in early colonial
Hispaniola. The introduction of the potter’s wheel is
a Spanish introduction to the New World, while coiling
techniques were prominent indigenous Caribbean and
African techniques. The shapes of these vessels are likewise
an Iberian infuence. The vessels are made with local clays
and the decoration technique has an African origin. This
study has shown that wheel-made ceramics in early colonial
Hispaniola have been made locally and that they are a result
of a very interesting process of transculturation within
intercultural interactions in the colonies. We should therefore
not disregard these ceramics with traces of the potter’s wheel
as mere Spanish imports. Instead, it is important to recognise
that these ceramics (when recognised as locally-made,
transcultural ceramics) ofer us great potential for studying
colonial interactions and the agency of the enslaved. When
studying the ceramic manufacture of these pots in relation to
their historical background of colonialism and the realities
of colonial life, we can start to understand ways in which
consumer demand was countered with forms of cultural
preservation – perhaps as a form of resistance against the
colonial realities.
Acknowledgements
This paper presents data that is part of the author’s
forthcoming PhD dissertation: Early Colonial Mosaics,
Transculturation within Ceramic Repertoires in the Spanish
Colonial Caribbean 1495–1562, as part of the ERC
NEXUS1492 project which received funding from the
European Research Council under the European Union’s
Seventh Framework Program (gr. n° 319209). I am grateful
to the Faculty of Archaeology for their support during the
last year of the PhD. I wish to acknowledge my supervisors
Corinne Hofman, Andzej Antcak, and Jorge Ulloa Hung for
their guidance throughout my PhD. This research has been
enabled by the Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Parque
Arqueológico Vega Vieja, and the Patrimonio Monumental
of the Dominican Republic, by allowing me to conduct my
research towards the materials of Cotui and Concepción de
la Vega.
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