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197
VI/2/2015
INTERDISCIPLINARIA ARCHAEOLOGICA
NATURAL SCIENCES IN ARCHAEOLOGY
homepage: http://www.iansa.eu
Thematic Review
The Origin and Development of the Central European Man-made Landscape,
Habitat and Species Diversity as Affected by Climate and its Changes –
a Review
Peter Poschlod
a
a
Chair of Ecology and Conservation Biology, Institute of Plant Sciences, University of Regensburg, 93040 Regensburg, Germany
1. Introduction
Sedentism and the development of the frst man-made
landscape started about 12,000 years ago in the Fertile
Crescent. First, starting with the collection of wild cereals,
plants were domesticated while at the same time hunting still
continued. Only after the dramatic falls in game populations
(dorcas and Cuvier’s gazelles) about 11,000 years ago did
the domestication of animals start (Hillman 1996; Bar-
Yosef 1998; Hillman
et al.
2001; Zeder 2005; 2008). The
causes for these processes were probably of multiple origins
(Zeder 2006). They may have been a lack of resources due
to an increasing population density (Cohen 1977; Binford
2001; Winterhalder, Kennett 2006; Watkins 2007), the change
of social organization and ideology of the people (Cauvin
2000; Hodder 2001) or simply the discovery of the process
of fermentation and the need of the drug alcohol (Reichholf
2008; Dietrich
et al.
2012). However, the climate amelioration
11,500 years ago, from a postglacial to a Mediterranean
climate with drier summers and wet winters and springs might
have played the most important role (McCorrsiton, Hole 1991;
Hillman 1996; Richerson
et al.
2001; Gupta 2004). Richerson
et al.
(2001) claim that only stable Holocene climates allowed
the evolution of agriculture.
Climate change, in that case a drought in western Asia
between 8500 and 8000 BP, probably around 8200 BP and
therefore also known as 8200 BP event (Alley
et al.
1997;
see also Figure 1), was also responsible for the migration
of farmers from the centre of Fertile Crescent to the west
Volume VI ● Issue 2/2015 ● Pages 197–221
*Corresponding author. E-mail: peter.poschlod@ur.de
ARTICLE INFO
Article history:
Received: 7
th
July 2015
Accepted: 30
th
December 2015
Key words:
climate optima
climate pessima
climate change
central European landscape
habitat diversity
species diversity
ABSTRACT
Climate optima, but also climate pessima, are shown to have strongly affected the origin of settlement
in central Europe and the development of the man-made landscape and its habitat and species diversity.
Driving forces for climate changes, until recently, were fuctuations of solar activity and radiation, but
also comet impacts and volcano eruptions. It could be shown that climate optima increased landscape,
habitat and species diversity as well as the expansion of open man-made habitats.
Four climate optima were identifed to have had a strong impact. In the Neolithic Age the climate
optimum favoured the settlement of people which created the frst man made habitats, arable felds,
pastures and heathlands. High precipitations resulted in the expansion of wetlands and the origin of
raised bogs. In a short climate optimum period in the Bronze Age Alp farming started creating new
habitats through
e.g.
grazing practices. The climate optimum which started at the end of the Iron Age
resulted in the frst diversity revolution in the landscape during the following Roman Empire Period.
Meadows, orchards and vineyards were established. Archaeobotanical remains have shown that during
the Roman period most new species/100 years have established in arable felds and grasslands. The
medieval climate optimum fnally resulted in the largest expansion of open man-made habitats but also
new habitats such as fsh ponds.
In contrast, during climate pessima abandonment of man-made habitats occurred. During the Migration
Period and the Little Ice Age starting at the end of the Medieval Period forests increased. During the
climate pessima in the Bronze Age we had the lowest number of new species/100 years.
Actually, through recent laws concerning renewable resources as a reply to the recent climate warming,
landscape is changing again.
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as Affected by Climate and its Changes – a Review
198
(Weninger
et al.
2006; Berger, Guilaine 2008; Clare
et al.
2010). The movement started at many places at the same
time (Özdoğan 2002; 2011). Özdoğan (2002) described
this process as following: “
Almost of a sudden we start
seeing more habitation, (...) not only in Central Anatolia,
but also in the Western Aegean regions, to be accompanied
quickly by the Balkans. (...) the number of Pottery Neolithic
sites increases dramatically, and almost all of a sudden.
In the East, however, there is a decrease in the number of
settlements, or the existing ones become smaller (...)... there
must have been an endemic movement which started (...)
towards the end of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B. There must
have been some kind of beginning stage of this westward
movement. There is clearly a kind of a momentum to migrate
in masses before the end of the thing. (...) All of a sudden you
see that people are moving
.”
The fooding of the Black Sea through the Bosporus by
the rising level of the Mediterranean Sea, often synonymous
with Noah’s food (Ryan, Pitman III 1998; Haarmann
2003; 2011; different dating of the start of fooding, earliest
moment around 8500 BC, latest 5600 BC, see Poschlod
2015), might have caused another movement (Milisauskas
2011). However, the date, height and rate of the fooding are
still under debate (Ryan
et al.
1997; 2003; Bahr
et al.
2006;
Yanko-Hombach
et al.
2007; Giosan
et al.
2009; Lericolais
et al.
2009; Thom 2010).
Also, the origin of the man-made landscape in central
Europe around 5500 BC started during a climate amelioration
(Schönwiese 1995; Gronenborn, Sirocko 2010; see also
Birks 2003
etc.
) caused partially by an increased sun activity
which started already in the Mesolithic Age (Steinhilber
et al.
2009). The frst farmers belonging to the LBK culture spread
quite fast from the southeastern edge of central Europe and
even Anatolia during this climate optimum which was shown
through recent molecular studies of early LBK populations
(Haak
et al.
2010). Genetic discontinuity to the Mesolithic
hunters supports the hypothesis that the frst farmers were
immigrants (Bramanti
et al.
2009; Malmström
et al.
2009).
Since then the climate has changed in central Europe
(see also Figure 1). Several climate optima and pessima
have been described by several authors which, have had
clear and distinct impacts on the history of mankind and its
cultures (Lamb 1995; Le Roy Ladurie 2004; 2006; 2009a;
2009b; 2009c; Blümel 2006; Behringer 2007; Sirocko
2010). However, climate also affected land use and land use
intensity (Bork
et al.
1998; Bork 2006) and therefore the
man-made landscape, the origin and development of habitats
as well as their species diversity (Poschlod 2015). The latter
were only reviewed on a local or regional level for certain
periods (
e.g.
Zolitschka
et al.
2003) but not for the whole
time span since settlement started. This is therefore the aim
of this review. Furthermore, the most recent knowledge on
the causes of each particular climate change was included.
2. Climate and the origin of sedentism in central Europe
The frst climate optimum after the last ice age started around
6000 BC and lasted until 3250 BC (Figure 1; Table 1).
Causes were an increased solar activity at the beginning and
an increased solar radiation during this period (Steinhilber
et al.
2009; Nussbaumer
et al.
2011).
Warmer temperatures permitted a much higher treeline
than today. In the central Austrian Alps the treeline laid at
Figure 1.
Global average annual mean temperature trend during the Holocene after Schönwiese (1995) and Eitel (2007). Dotted line: Trend reversal in
the temperature pattern during the Atlantic Period. PA – Palaeolithic, RE – Roman Empire period, MP – Migration period, MA – Modern Age, LG – Last
glacial, PB – Preboreal.
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Peter Poschlod: The Origin and Development of the Central European Man-made Landscape, Habitat and Species Diversity
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199
Table 1.
Characterization of the climate and its chronological classifcation into zones and respective archaeological and historical epochs. Historical and
climate data after Poschlod (2015), mainly according to Schönwiese (1995) and Nelle (2002); biostratigraphical zones after Mangerud
et al.
(1974)
1
and
Walker
et al.
(2012)
2
.
Biostratigraph.
zone
1
Biostratigraph.
zone
2
Archaeological/historical epochsYear BC/
AD
Characterisation of the climate
Subatlantic
Late Holocene
M.T.
Modern Times
(“Anthropocene”)
Today
“Modern climate optimum”
: the warm
epoch since the mid-20
th
century, relatively
dry.
Early Modern Times
(M.T.)
1750
Climate pessimum
“Little Ice Age”
(1300 to 1850 AD): starting with extreme
weather events in the 14th century, cooling;
especially harsh winters, fuctuating
precipitation.
Medieval Age
Late Medieval Age1500
Medieval Age1300
Climate optimum
(1000 to 1300 AD):
warming, frst with low precipitation, later
with high precipitation; expansion of the
man-made landscape into the mountains and
of viniculture to northern Europe.
Early Medieval Age1000
Climate pessimum
(
(
350
)
450 to750
AD): cooling, high precipitation; glacial
advances.
Migration Period500
Roman
Empire
Roman Empire period350
Climate optimum
(300 BC to 350 AD):
warming, mostly high precipitation; some
Alpine crossings also in winter without
snow; at the end of the period drier;
expansion of viniculture to northern Europe.
Iron
Age
La Tène period0
Hallstatt period500
Climate pessimum
(1200 to 600 BC):
Cooling – coldest epoch since the last
ice age; cool summers, mostly high
precipitation; many glaciers advance.
Subboreal
Bronze Age
Urnfeld period
800
Late Bronze Age1200
Mainly warm epoch but distinct
fuctuations, less precipitation than in the
following climate pessimum.
Bronze Age1300
Early Bronze Age1800
Middle Holocene
Chalcolithic
period
Late chalcolithic period2200–2300
End of climate optimum
from 3400 BC
onwards: cold epoch with glacial advances
(Piora oscillation); in the beginning with
low precipitation, later increasing; “Ötzi” as
indicator of the glacial advance.
Chalcolithic period2500
Atlantic
Early chalcolithic period3500
Neolithic Age
Neolithic
4400
(NCE)
(SCE)
5500
Start of the Neolithic Age in southern
central Europe (SCE) from 5500 BC
onwards, in northern central Europe (NCE)
only from 4000 BC.
Climate optimum
(ca.
6000 to 3400 BC): warmest epoch since
the last glacial period, very mild winters,
high precipitation; start of human settlement
(
“Neolithic revolution”
).
Mesolithic Age
Late Mesolithic 6000
Boreal
Early Holocene
Early Mesolithic
7000
Summers mostly warmer than today, mild
or very cold winters; low precipitation.
Preboreal8000Summers warm, winters very cold.
Late glacial
Pleistocene
Palaeolithic
Epipalaeolithic
9600Cold epoch.
Transition of the last cold epoch to the
warm interval.
Upper PalaeolithicEnd of the last cold epoch.
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200
2,400 m a. s. l. compared to 2,250 m a. s. l. in 1980 (Nicolussi
et al.
2005). Subfossil remains from thermophilic aquatic
plants, such as
Trapa natans
(von Post 1946; Hultén, Fries
1986; Lang 1994) as well as
Najas marina
agg. (Figure 2)
and
N. fexilis
(Godwin 1975; Lang 1994), but also from
animals such as the European pond turtle (
Emys orbicularis
;
Degerbøl, Krog 1951; Sommer
et al.
2007; 2009), reveal that
they reached their most northern distribution since then.
High precipitation initiated the start of the development of
ombrotrophic from minerotrophic- or groundwater-fed mires;
the origin of most raised bogs in central Europe date from
this period (Paul, Ruoff 1932; Overbeck 1975; Couwenberg
et al.
2001). The increased discharge of calcareous springs
in combination with high temperatures led to the formation
of large meteogenous travertine or tufa deposits (Pentecost
1995; Ford, Pedley 1996)
e.g.
in the Bohemian Karst (Ložek
1961; 1963; 1964; Starkel 1966) or in the Jurassic mountains
of the Swabian Alb (Groschopf
et al.
1952) and its respective
habitats. At the end of the Neolithic age precipitations
increased again (often called pluvial period; Schönwiese
1995) which caused an increase in ground water level
evident through the increase of paludifcation and spread of
alder carr, for example, in northwest-Germany (Overbeck
1975). For Lake Constance, a strong water level rise has
been dendrochronologically dated to 3370 BC (Magny
et al.
2006). High precipitation also caused a retreat in pine (
Pinus
sylvestris
) and an increase in common hazelnut (
Corylus
avellana
) in that region. In the south German Federsee, the
highest water level was reported at the end of the Neolithic
Age. An earlier rise of water level in the Federsee occurred
between 4800 and 4500 BC (Wall 1961), in the Lake of
Constance between 4600 to 4700 BC (Magny
et al.
2006).
During both periods, pollen of
Cyperaceae
, most of their
species belonging to wetland plants in central Europe,
increased at the Lake Constance (Magny
et al.
2006). Water
level rises between 6000 and 4000 BC have also been
reported from southern Sweden (Harrison, Digerfeldt 1993).
Therefore, the frst half of the Neolithic period may be also
called the wetland expansion period.
At the same time, the favourable climate supported the start
of sedentism – resulting in the origin of the frst man-made
habitats, arable felds and pastures (grasslands, heathlands).
To understand the origin of open habitats and grasslands,
respectively, we frst have to ask the question: how did the
landscape and forests look like around 5500 BC? Until
recently, most studies on central Europe claimed that there
was already a closed forest cover everywhere below the
timberline (Firbas 1949; 1952; Lang 1994; maps of the
natural landscape: Schwickerath 1954; Hueck, Behrmann
1962), except in certain specifc habitats such as: gravel
Figure 2.
Historical and recent (before 1990 and after 1990) distribution of
Najas marina
s.l. (historical data and actual data until 1990 after Lang 1994,
actual data after 1990 after Poschlod 2015).
0 1000 km
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201
islands in river beds (Osborne 1972; 1997; Ellenberg 1996;
Gao
et al.
2000); rock formations (Meusel 1935; 1939;
Gradmann 1950; Müller 1980); “beaver meadows” (Wells
et al.
2000; Schneider 1996; Harthun 1998; 1999); open
stages during autogenous cyclic succession in alder carrs
(Pokorný
et al.
2000; Sádlo 2000); and mires (particularly
percolation mires; Succow, Jeschke 1986). In contrast to this
hypothesis, Vera (2000) claimed that the forests were partly
open. His hypothesis is based on the assumptions that the
frst megaherbivores, which today are partly extinct, such
as the aurochs or the European bison, contributed to more
open forests (but see Stuart
et al.
2004 and Mitchell 2005).
However, besides the megaherbivore hypothesis, there
are many other aspects and new results which support the
hypothesis of a more open landscape, and more open forests,
when the frst farmers settled (see also Kreuz 2008):
1. The forests consisted of oak (
Quercus
spp.), elm
(
Ulmus
spp.), common hazel (
Corylus avellana
), lime tree
(
Tilia
spp.) and ash (
Fraxinus excelsior
; Clark
et al.
1989).
All these species are not so shade-tolerant. Oak, for example,
is not able to regenerate by seed under a closed canopy and
common hazel would not even fower (Vera 2000). However,
the shade-tolerant and most dominant species in the actual
potential natural vegetation would be beech (
Fagus
sylvatica
) and fr (
Abies alba
). Although beech might have
already occurred locally in northern Germany before the
Neolithic Age (Robin
et al.
2016) it has only spread after the
frst farmers have settled. It may have even immigrated with
the frst farmers – being an important crop and fodder plant
(Bonn, Poschlod 1998) since beech came from the southeast
(Slovenia; Magri
et al.
2006; Magri 2008) and started
to establish only around 5000 BC in southeast Germany
(Huntley, Birks 1983; Lang 1994). Fir having come from
the south (Konnert, Bergmann 1995; Hewitt 1999) arrived
around 4500 BC in southwest Germany (Black Forest; Lang
1994). According to Küster (1997), beech is a synanthropic
species, an idea that has recently been confrmed for
Bohemia, through its asynchronous immigration (Pokorný
2005), and the northern part of central Europe (Tinner, Lotter
2006), but declined for Switzerland and southern Germany
(Tinner, Lotter 2006).
2. Fire might have played a further role by maintaining
open landscapes/forests. The high proportions of common
hazel pollen may have been caused through natural fres
(Clark
et al.
1989). Alternatively, fre might have been
used by Mesolithic people to increase common hazel as an
important fodder plant (Bos, Urz 2003). For North America,
natural or man-made fres have also been discussed as having
maintained oak forests (Abrams 1992).
3. Recently, studies from the Czech Republic have shown
that forests had not reached their maximum expansion during
the beginnings of settlement (Hájková
et al.
2011) and that
there were continuous grassland habitats (forest steppe)
represented today by semi-natural grasslands (Kuneš
et al.
2015; Pokorný
et al.
2015).
4. Phylogeographic studies on grassland plants, despite
having their main distribution in a Mediterranean climate,
such as
Eryngium campestre
, have shown that they may have
survived in central Europe in (micro)refugia (Bylebyl
et al.
2008; see also Poschlod 2015).
Evidence of arable felds has come from pollen analysis
and seed remains in Neolithic settlements, and of grasslands
from pollen and pedoanthracological analyses. One exception
has been the fndings of plant macroremains (vascular plants,
bryophytes) in the sods of a Celtic grave mound (Fritz 1977;
1979; Fritz, Wilmanns 1982).
Arable felds mainly developed from slash and burn, but
also through clearing, and only rarely after wood pasturing
Figure 3.
Proportion of archaeophytes, indigenous species and neophytes (in Bavaria) at each temperature indicator value category according to Ellenberg
(Ellenberg
et al.
1991). Ellenberg indicator values defne a species’ niche along an environmental gradient, in this case temperature (or altitude): 1 – alpine,
nival to 9 – very warm, colline; Ind – indifferent species (not indicating a specifc niche along a temperature/altitudinal gradient).
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Peter Poschlod: The Origin and Development of the Central European Man-made Landscape, Habitat and Species Diversity
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202
(Roberts 1998; Behre 2008). The frst crops were einkorn,
emmer, barley, pea, lentil, fax and poppy, crops which evolved
in a Mediterranean climate. In central Europe they were grown
as summer crops, meaning that they were sown in spring and
harvested during summer (Willerding 2003a). This allowed the
arable felds to be grazed after harvesting until the next spring.
Thus the felds were fertilized and could be managed over
longer periods (Kreuz, Schäfer 2011). Arable felds were often
managed on a long-term basis without alternating grassland
use (Knörzer 1986), since the frst settlements of LBK people
were established in regions with fertile loess deposits (Jankuhn
1969). This hypothesis of naturally fertile soils is supported
through the records of nutrient-demanding or nitrogen-
indicating species in the cereal remains of the earliest LBK
settlements, such as:
Bromus secalinus
,
Chenopodium album
,
Galium aparine
,
G. spurium
,
Lapsana communis
,
Phleum
pratense
,
Fallopia convolvulus
,
Setaria
spp.,
Solanum nigrum
(Bogaard 2002; 2004; Kreuz, Schäfer 2011). Nevertheless,
depending on the region and soils, either agroforestry, or
alternate arable feld-grassland and arable feld-forest use, or
shifting cultivation, have also occurred (Rösch 1990; 1991;
Schier 2009). The vegetation of this plant community was
composed of indigenous species, but also archaeophytes
that came from regions with a Mediterranean climate either
from the Near East, Asia Minor or southeast Europe. At
least 27 archaeophytes arrived during the Neolithic Age via
uncleaned crop seeds, although some might also have been
used as fodder plants (Poschlod 2015). Still today, arable weed
communities contain the highest proportion of archaeophytes
(Willerding 1986). Archeophytes are a refection of warm
climatic conditions through their temperature indicator value
which is above average compared to that of the whole central
European fora (Figure 3).
Grazing either in forest steppe grasslands, or in more-or-
less open forests, and in arable felds after their abandonment,
resulted in the frst “man-made” grasslands. Few
palynological studies have shown a continuous existence
of calcareous grasslands in northern or northwest Europe
since the Neolithic Age (Königsson 1968; Bush 1993;
Preece, Bridgland 1999). Applying pedoanthracological
analyses, Dutoit
et al.
(2009) supposed the establishment
of calcareous grasslands for western Europe, in the Seine
valley (Upper Normandy, France), through forest clearing
by fre around 4800 to 4600 BC. For eastern central Europe,
Hájková
et al.
(2011) have shown that actual, extremely
species-rich grasslands, or those with a high number of so-
called relict species, were always situated in the vicinity of
Neolithic settlements and concluded from this fact that the
continuous management since then has maintained this high
species-richness (Kuneš
et al.
2015; Pokorný
et al.
2015).
In Germany, the existence of man-made grasslands has been
proved from at least the Bronze Age (Poschlod, Baumann
2010), or the Iron Age (Fritz, 1977; 1979; Fritz, Wilmanns
1982).
Heathlands were frst verifed in north Germany (Behre
2008) for the period of the Funnel Beaker culture (4100 to
2800 BC; Müller 2011). The frst evidence for heathlands in
the famous Luneburg heath dates back to around 3500 BC
(Pott 1999; Figure 4).
3. The frst climate pessimum period from the end of
the Neolithic Age to the start of the Iron Age
At the end of the Neolithic period, around 3400 BC, the
climate optimum ended and temperatures cooled down. The
Figure 4.
Chronological development of heathland and its expansion in the Luneburg heath (northwest Germany) based on pollen data of
Calluna vulgaris
from different peatland localities in this region (after Pott 1999). RE – Roman Empire period; MP – Migration period.
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Peter Poschlod: The Origin and Development of the Central European Man-made Landscape, Habitat and Species Diversity
as Affected by Climate and its Changes – a Review
203
following cold period, called Piora Oscillation (around 3400
BC to 3000 BC; Zoller 1960), caused a decline of the tree
line (Frenzel 1966; Wick, Tinner 1997; Nicolussi
et al.
2005)
and an expansion of the glaciers in the Alps (Joerin
et al.
2006), as well as a decrease in the dominant tree species
Tilia
and
Ulmus
(Lang 1994). Temperatures in central Europe
were around 1 to 2°C lower (Amesbury
et al.
2008; Bleicher,
Sirocko 2010). The causes for the cooling are not clear and
may have been infuences from orbital change of the earth
around the sun, a decrease of solar activity, or the expansion
of polar sea currents (Magny
et al.
2006). Ötzi, the “iceman”,
who was found at 3210 m a. s. l, is the most famous indicator
of this cool period (Baroni, Orombelli 1996; Fleckinger
2011; Magny, Haas 2004).
Probably he was a migrating herder (Hollemeyer 2008),
the hypothesis being supported through isotope analyses of
his teeth and bones (Müller
et al.
2003). This would also
indicate transhumant herding in the central Alps, a fnding
which was already proven for the Neolithic Age and Bronze
Age in the Mediterranean region, the Pyrenees and the
central Alps through archaeological fndings (Mandl 2007a;
2007b; Reitmaier 2009), soil layers indicating slash and
burn (Reitmaier, Walser Bakk 2008), pedoanthracological
fndings (Wick, Tinner 1997; Talon
et al.
1998), dung
deposits (Akeret, Jacomet 1997; Akeret
et al.
1999) and
pollen analysis (Drescher-Schneider 2009).
In contrast to transhumant herding, alpine farming only
appeared for frst time during the Bronze Age. The oldest
proven incidence is from the Dachstein mountains where it
started around 1700 BC (Mandl 2009) at the beginning of
a short climate optimum (Figure 5). Transhumant herding,
as well as alpine farming, during that period have strongly
contributed to the decline of forests of
Larix decidua
and
Pinus cembra
and, as a consequence, to the lowering of
the tree line. New habitats developed – such as the “
Larix
pastures”. Pasture weeds such as
Rhododendron
spp. and
Alnus viridis
increased (Zoller 1960; Tinner
et al.
1999,
2003; Gobet
et al.
2004). Today, the
Rhododendron
belts
above the tree line often represent ancient abandoned
pastures (Ellenberg 1996; Anthelme
et al.
2003).
Alnus
viridis
was also favoured through the application of fre
(Gobet
et al.
2003). Transhumant and alpine farming may
have strongly contributed to the enrichment of lowland
grassland biodiversity through the transport of seeds from
higher to lower altitudes by domestic livestock, but it also
probably occurred in the opposite direction (Poschlod, Bonn
1998; Poschlod 2015).
After the frst cold epoch and the short optimum which
lasted until 1200 BC, another climate pessimum started
which was probably the coldest since the last ice age
(Table 1). One cause might have been the outbreak of the
Hekla volcano in Iceland (Baker
et al.
1995; Yurco 1999;
Eiríksson
et al.
2000). Glaciers expanded again (Holzhauser
et al.
2005) and alpine farming was abandoned (Mandl
2009). Crop failures and food supply problems may have
been the stimulus for novelties and technological progress.
Robust crop plants such as spelt (
Triticum spelta
; from Asia
Minor), foxtail millet (
Setaria italica
) and common millet
(
Panicum miliaceum
; both from East Asia) (Crawford 2005;
Nasu
et al.
2007; Zohary
et al.
2012), as well as the fava
bean (
Vicia faba
, from Asia Minor; Tanno, Willcox 2006),
were increasingly cultivated. However, according to Rösch
and Heumüller (2008), the cultivation of these plants might
have been as a consequence of the nutrient-impoverished
soils, due to the permanent application of fre during
shifting cultivation (slash and burn agriculture). Speier
(1994) assumed that the increase of pollen of wet grassland
plants around 1000 BC indicates the start of hay making.
Figure 5.
Temperature trend (blue dotted line) and origin of alpine farming/number of alps in the Dachstein mountains (Austria; after Mandl 2009).
RE – Roman Empire period; MP – Migration period.
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However, his indicator species – such as sedges, marsh-
marigold (
Caltha palustris
), lesser spearwort (
Ranunculus
fammula
), bistort (
Bistorta offcinalis
), Devil’s bit (
Succisa
pratensis
) and thistles (
Cirsium
spp.) – also occur on wet
pastures. Grazing was still the main land use within wetland
areas until the 18
th
century. According to Hodgson
et al.
(1999), who used a functional approach, the earliest meadow
use was in the Iron Age where the frst scythes were found
(Leube 2003). In southern Germany, grassland species only
increased in the Iron Age, which was interpreted as a signal of
permanent open land or grassland (Rösch, Heumüller 2008).
In the eastern part of Europe which was settled by Slavic
people, meadow use only started as late as the Medieval Age
(earliest 11
th
/12
th
century, latest 14
th
century; Hempel 2008).
The Slavs, who immigrated during the Migration Period to
the eastern part of central Europe (Brather 2008), did not
know the scythe (Hempel 2008).
Taking into account the number of new archaeophytes, the
Bronze Age had the lowest increase per 100-year period, not
only in arable weeds but also grassland species (Figures 6 to 8).
Figure 6.
Number of new arable weed species (per 100 years) in archaeobotanical fndings of central Europe for each archaeological/historical period (after
Willerding 1986).
Figure 7.
Number of new grassland species (per 100 years) in archaeobotanical fndings of the Lower Rhine region for each archaeological/historical period
(after Knörzer 1996).
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4. The second climate optimum during the Roman
Empire period – the frst diversity revolution in the
man-made landscape
A new climate optimum followed from around 300 BC to 350
AD (Figure 9; Ljungqvist 2010). Its main cause was increased
sun activity, which at the beginning and end of this period was
probably the highest during the Holocene (Steinhilber
et al.
2008). According to Crumley (1994), there was an extreme
shift of three climatic regions colliding with each other in
central Europe – the Mediterranean, oceanic and continental
climates. Whereas from 1200 BC to 300 BC the border of the
Mediterranean climate was situated to the south of European
Mediterranean countries, it moved considerably further north
during the following 600 years. At this time, central Europe
was mainly covered by forests, as described by Tacitus in his
“Germania” in the 1
st
century:
“The land may vary a certain
amount in its appearance, but in general it either bristles with
forests or festers with marshes. It is wetter on the side facing the
Gauls, windier opposite Noricum and Pannonia”
(Birley 1999).
Figure 8.
Number of new grassland species (per 100 years) in archaeobotanical fndings of northern Switzerland (region around Basel) for each
archaeological/historical period (after Jacomet, Brombacher 2009).
Figure 9.
Decade average temperature trend in the non-tropical northern hemisphere (90 to 30°N) between 1 AD and 1999 AD in comparison to the average
mean annual temperature between 1961 and 1990 (after Ljungqvist 2010).
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This climate optimum or change was the frst to have
been documented in written sources and for which
hypotheses as to its causes were set up. Columella wrote in
his frst book on “Agriculture”: “
For I have found that many
authorities now worthy of remembrance were convinced
that with the long wasting of the ages, weather and climate
undergo a change;... For in that book on agriculture which
he
(Saserna, a pre-Christian Roman writer; note of the
author)
has left behind he concludes that the position of
the heavens has changed from this evidence: that regions
which formerly, because of the unremitting severity of
winter, could not safeguard any shoot of the vine or the
olive planted in them, now that the earlier coldness has
abated and the weather is becoming more clement, produce
olive harvests and the vintages of Bacchus in the greatest
abundance
” (Ash 1941).
Lamb (1977) mentioned a shift in the distribution of beech
(
Fagus sylvatica
) in book XVI of Plinius. However, from the
original source there is no evidence.
The climate optimum allowed for a more effcient
agriculture in central Europe. It resulted in the frst
foundation of towns and in the expansion of the Roman
Empire. Famous towns founded at the end of the Iron Age
were some celtic oppida (Iron Age fortifed settlements)
such as Manching (3
rd
century BC; Bavaria, Germany) or
Bibracte/Mont Beuvray (2
nd
century BC; Rieckhoff, Fichtl
2011; France), and at the beginning of the Roman times,
such as Treves/Trier (Augusta Treverorum; Rhineland-
Palatinate), Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum), Kempten in
the Allgäu (Cambodunum; Bavaria), Xanten (Vetera; North
Rhine-Westphalia) and many more (Thiel 2008).
With the expansion of the Roman Empire the central
European man-made landscape within the limites (the
empire’s frontier limits) became more diverse. Crop
rotation was practiced, mainly as a two-feld rotation system
(Drexhage
et al.
2002), but already probably also as three-
feld rotation system (Küster 1994).
The two-feld rotation system consisted of two parts, the
arable felds and the fallow which alternated every year
(Schröder-Lembke 1978). Locally, the two-feld rotation
system existed in the Rhine region, especially in Alsace,
Palatinate, at the Moselle and at Jülich, until the beginning
of the 19
th
century (Schwerz 1816a; 1816b).
Livestock breeding was so intensely practiced that some
authors call it the frst agricultural bloom or even “revolution”
(Peters 1994). The Romans also brought new animals to
central Europe. They domesticated the carp (
Cyprinus
carpio
) which originally occurred in southeast European
and Asian rivers running to the Black and Caspian Seas, as
well as to the Aral Sea (Balon 1995). Rabbit (
Oryctolagus
cuniculus
; originally distributed in North Africa and Spain)
and pheasant (
Phasianus colchicus
; originally distributed
in central Asia) were introduced. Rabbit was probably
introduced merely to France and only came to central Europe
during the Medieval Ages (Niethammer 1963; Kroll 1973).
The edible snail (
Helix pomatia
) was farmed in so-called
“snail gardens”. These were a source of food for the Romans,
who probably brought it for that purpose to England where it
is still called “Roman snail” (Mansfeld 2011).
In the vicinity of Roman villas (
Villae Rusticae
) new
habitats developed, such as vineyards and orchards through
the import of new crop plants such as fruit trees and vines
(Willerding 1992; 2003b). Such fruit included sweet
cherry, pear, prune, walnut, apple, plum, peach, apricot and
quince (Willerding 2003b; Poschlod 2015). However, the
introduction of other new crop plants such as vegetables
(lettuce, onion, leek, garlic, chard, common purslane,
etc.
; Körber-Grohne 1994) and spices (dill, coriander
etc.
;
Knörzer 2004) may have also contributed to an increasing
habitat and species diversity. In the regions outside the
empire’s limits (limites) there has been no evidence of these
crop plants (Willerding 2003b).
Tacitus wrote in his Germania in the 1
st
century AD, that
the country
“is fertile for sown crops but will not grow fruit
trees”
and there were neither orchards nor meadows (Birley
1999):
“In fact, however, for all that their land is fertile and
extensive, they make no effort at planting orchards, fencing
off pasturing, or irrigating gardens. Their only demand on
the soil is for corn”
. The taste of the fruit from the wild
apple trees was described by Pliny the Elder in his “Naturalis
Historia” (Rackham 1945):
“There are also wild apples with
little attraction of favour and an even sharper scent; their
special fault is that of horrible sourness, and it is so powerful
that it will blunt the edge of a sword”
.
Many German terms in pomiculture and viniculture have
therefore Latin roots. In viniculture, these are, for example,
“Wein” (wine; from latin
vinum
), “Winzer” (wine grower;
from latin
vinitor
), “Lämpel”, “Lämbel” or “Limbel” (border
of the vineyard; from latin
limbulus/limbus
), “keltern”
(wine pressing; from latin
calcare
), “Keller” (cellar; from
latin
cellarium
), ”Legel” (little barrel; from latin
lagella
).
In pomiculture, these are “propfen” (grafting; from latin
propagare
), “emden”, “impten” or “impfen” (inosculation;
from latin
inserere
), “pelzen” (grafting a branch behind the
bark; from latin
pellis
), “Most” (must, newly-pressed juice
from grapes/fruit; from latin
mustum
), “Torkel” (wine press;
from latin
torcular
), “Kufe” (vat; from latin
cupa
), “Kübel”
(bucket; from latin
cupella
) and, of course, the names of
the fruits or fruit trees such as “Kirsche” (cherry; from latin
cerasus
), “Birne” (pear; from latin
pirus
) and “Nuss” (nut;
from latin
nux
; Grimm, Grimm 1854–1960; Kleiber
et al.
1993; Zehnder, Weller 2006).
The agricultural diversity resulted in the highest increase
in “new” (archaeophytic) arable weed as well as grassland
species per 100 year period ever since then (Figures 6 to
8). For the arable weeds, the main reason was certainly
the cultivation of new crop plants (Willerding 1986;
Lang 1994; Knörzer 2004; Jacomet, Brombacher 2009).
For the grassland plants, the beginning of the application
of mowing might have been one reason (Knörzer 1979;
Körber-Grohne 1983; 1990; but see Hodgson
et al.
1999),
but also the introduction of hay (for example, for the horses
of the cavalry) at least at the beginning of the Roman
conquering expedition. According to Kronfeld (1919), the
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plentiful occurrence of the pellitory-of-the-wall (
Parietaria
offcinalis
) in the foodplains of the Danube at Vienna is
a relict of the Roman troops. If grassland species were
intentionally introduced, we do not know. The pattern
of a declining number of (sub-)Mediterranean species in
calcareous grasslands of the Jurassic mountains within
reasonable distance of the empire’s limites, let us at least
assume some impact (Figure 10; Baumann 2006; Poschlod,
Baumann 2010).
Finally, for the supply of the Roman troops but also the
increasing civil population, large forest areas were also cut
(Figure 11; Küster 1994; Junkelmann 2006). The increasing
demand for frewood in combination with coppicing led to
the transformation of the beech forests to oak-hornbeam
forests, the latter species being able to resprout after
coppicing (Ellenberg 1996).
5. The Migration period – a climate pessimum as catalyst
Another climate pessimum with lower mean annual
temperatures, less precipitation and changeful weather
(extreme weather events with food disasters along the coast
of the North Sea) started around 350 AD and lasted until
600 AD (Migration Period, early Medieval Age; Lamb 1995;
Büntgen
et al.
2011). The cause of this climate pessimum
was probably low sun activity (Schreg 2010; Schreg,
Sirocko 2010; Wirth
et al.
2013). Reinforcing acted a dust
veil in the upper atmosphere which refected the sunlight
and caused a global cooling down of the mean annual
temperature of up to 3°C, the strongest during the last 2000
years (Stothers 1984a; Larsen
et al.
2008). The effects are
particularly obvious for the period between 536 to 545 AD,
manifested in the northern hemisphere through the increased
Figure 10.
Number of (sub)mediterranean
species in historical relevées from Gauckler
(1938) of calcareous grasslands in southeast
Germany in relation to the distance of the
Roman
limes
(signifcant decrease with
increasing distance to the limes; p<0,05;
from Baumann 2006).
Figure 11.
Chronological development of open man-made habitats and forests in the landscape of Germany since the beginning of the common era (after
Bork 2006 and Poschlod 2015).
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sulphate depositions in Arctic ice cores (Larsen
et al.
2008)
and in the extremely narrow annual rings and frost rings in
trees (Baillie 1994; D’Arrigo
et al.
2001a; 2001b). Volcanic
eruptions in the tropics have been suggested as the origin
of the dust veil (Larsen
et al.
2008; Ferris
et al.
2011;
if
Ilopango, El Salvador: age dating 430 AD, Dull 2004;
if
Krakatau in southeast Asia: Keys 1999;
if
Rabau in Papua
New Guinea: Stothers, Rampino 1983). However, much
more likely is a comet impact (Baillie 2001; 2007; Rigby
et al.
2004). Historical chronicles confrm a dust veil and
subsequent famines and plague epidemics (Stothers and
Rampino 1983; Rampino
et al.
1988) for the 6
th
century.
The Byzantine historian Prokopius noted for 536/537 AD
(Dewing 1916):
“And it came about during this year that
a most dread portent took place. For the sun gave forth its
light without brightness, like the moon, during this whole
year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sun in eclipse, for
the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it is accustomed
to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men
were free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing
leading to death. And it was the time when Justinian was in
the tenth year of his reign.”
At the same time, other historical
authors from Constantinople described the phenomenon, for
example, Zachariah of Mytilene (“
… and the sun began
to be darkened by day and the moon by night …” and “…
as the winter was a severe one, so much so that from the
large and unwonted quantity of snow the birds perished
…
”; Hamilton, Brooks 1899) and Johannes Lydus (“
… if
the sun becomes dim because the air is dense from rising
moisture-as happened in the course of the recently passed
fourteenth indiction (535/36) for nearly a whole year, …, so
that the produce was destroyed because of the bad time –
it predicts heavy trouble in Europe. And this we have seen
from the events themselves, when many wars broke out in the
west”
; Arjava 2005). Michael the Syrian probably quoting
John of Ephesos wrote in the 12
th
century of this period: “
…
there was a sign in the sun the like of which had never been
seen and reported before in the world. If we had not found
it recorded in the majority of proved and credible writings
and confrmed by trustworthy people, we would not have
recorded it; for it is diffcult to conceive. So it is said that the
sun became dark and its darkness lasted for one and a half
years, that is, eighteen months. Each day it shone for about
four hours, and still this light was only a feeble shadow.
(…) The fruits did not ripen, and the wine tasted like sour
grapes
”; Arjava 2005).
And in Italy the Roman praetorian prefect Flavius Magnus
Aurelius Cassiodorus wrote around 538 AD to the delegate
Ambrosius: “
The Sun, frst of stars, seems to have lost his
wonted light, and appears of a bluish colour. We marvel to
see no shadows of our bodies at noon, to feel the mighty
vigour of his heat wasted into feebleness, and the phenomena
which accompany a transitory eclipse prolonged through a
whole year. The Moon too, even when her orb is full, is empty
of her natural splendour. Strange has been the course of the
year thus far. We have had a winter without storms, a spring
without mildness, and a summer without heat. Whence can
we look for harvest, since the months which should have been
maturing the corn have been chilled by Boreas?
” (Hodgkin
1886).
In central Europe glaciers expanded (Holzhauser
et al.
2005; Joerin
et al.
2006). Whole tribes started to migrate
from north to south and east to (south)west due to famine
and restricted food supply. Drought periods in central Asia
caused the movement of the Huns to central Europe (Blümel
2002). The vehemence of the migrations was one of the
reasons of the breakdown of the Roman Empire (Heather
2005). Not only within but also outside the limites, this
period is characterized through its increase of tree pollen and
decrease of pollen from cereals and settlement indicators
(Donat, Lange 1983; Küster 1988; Müller-Wille
et al.
1988;
Dörfer 1992; Dreßler
et al.
2006; Hempel 2009; Schreg,
Sirocko 2010).
Such changes in pollen indicate the abandonment of many
settlements as well as their arable felds and grasslands
(Figures 11) in which nearly no new species appeared during
that period (Figures 6 to 8). At the beginning of the Medieval
Age central Europe was therefore still strongly dominated by
forests, which is also indicated in that aurochs and European
bison were still present (Poschlod 2015).
6. The medieval climate optimum – the expansion of
man-made habitats and man-made landscapes
From 850 AD to around 1250 AD there was another warming
(medieval warm period or medieval climate anomaly;
Figure 9; Lamb 1965; Le Roy Ladurie 1967; 2009b; 2009c;
Hughes, Diaz 1994; Glaser 2008; Mann
et al.
2008; Guiot
et al.
2010; Ljungqvist 2010; Goosse
et al.
2012a). Most
publications and the changes in the man-made landscape
give a clear picture of a warm period with temperatures
compared to today or even higher for central Europe.
Depending on the proxies used (annual rings, pollen,
diatom, foraminifer analyses,
etc.
) temperatures have been
reconstructed as being somewhat lower to around 2°C higher
compared to mean annual temperatures between 1961 to
1990 (Mann
et al.
1999; Blümel 2002; 2006; Moberg
et al.
2005; Loehle 2007; Glaser 2008). Dendroecological data
allows us to assume that there was a temperature decrease
between 1050 and 1150 (Büntgen
et al.
2006; Corona
et al.
2010), and some authors even state that there were only three
short warmer periods (1010–1040, 1070–1105, 1155–1190;
Crowley, Lowery 2000). The latest meta-analysis confrmed
up to more than 2°C higher temperatures for Europe in the
10
th
century, as well as at the end of the 12
th
and beginning
of the 13
th
century (PAGES 2k Consortium 2013). However,
a global warming probably did not take place (Bradley
et al.
2003; Mann
et al.
2009; PAGES 2k Consortium 2013).
Causes for the warming were an increased solar activity
and radiation (Bard
et al.
2000; Shindell
et al.
2001;
Muscheler
et al.
2007; Guiot
et al.
2010) that resulted in the
dislocation of the Gulf Stream to the north (Goosse
et al.
2012b). The solar activity probably fostered a positive North
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Atlantic Oscillation (fuctuation of atmospheric pressure
differences between the Iceland depression to the north and
the Azores anticyclone to the south in the North Atlantic)
which brought mild and moist air to central Europe (Trouet
et al.
2009; van Loon
et al.
2012).
The climate optimum allowed an increase in the human
population which reached its highest density up until
then (Figure 12; Grupe 1986). It resulted in the largest
ever expansion of man-made landscape in central Europe
(Figure 11; Bork
et al.
1998; Bork 2006). This development
is also refected in the number of towns founded around then
(Figure 13), reaching its peak in the 12
th
and 13
th
century
(Stoob 1956). Accordingly, the number of villages also
increased, mainly through the clearing of forests (“great
age of clearing”; Smith 1978), especially in less favourable
regions such as mountains (Fehn 1966, Smith 1978). Villages
still existing in Germany from this period have names
whose ending correspond to the kind of forest clearing (
e.g.
-reute, -scheid, -schlag, -rod from clearing through felling;
and -brand, -schwend from clearing through burning), or
Figure 12.
Chronological population development in Germany since the beginning of the common era (from Poschlod 2015).
Figure 13.
Chronological development of town foundations in Germany from 100 BC to 1100 AD (red squares) and in central Europe since 1100 AD (blue
squares; from Poschlod 2015). Data before 1150 from different sources; data (n=ca. 2000) after 1150 from Stoob (1956). Defnitions of towns according to
different criteria such as privilege, fortifcation, economy, society and magisterial infrastructure (Haase 1958).
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according to their topography (-bach – brook; -tal – valley;
-berg – mountain; Bach 1954). The Gothic architecture and
style are considered the expression of a powerful, surplus-
generating society (Blümel 2002).
A perfect indicator for the medieval warming is viniculture
(David-Sirocko, Sirocko 2010), which expanded during
this period to England and the Baltic states (Weber 1980;
Lamb 1995), even to regions where there was no viniculture
possible in the 20
th
century.
Many thermophilous horticultural and medical plants
were introduced, mainly from the Mediterranean and West
Asia, which included: wallfower (
Erysimum cheiri
), hyssop
(
Hyssopus offcinalis
), and catnip (
Nepeta cataria
; Lohmeyer,
Sukopp 1992). Today they are naturalized in warm and dry
habitats and act as a reminder of this warm period. From
England, data on certain animals show how they had their
most northern distribution during this period. One example
is the Nettle Ground Bug (
Heterogaster urticae
), which
occurred in the 20
th
century only in southern England. It has
been found in Roman and medieval deposits in York, in the
north of England (Buckland 1986; Hall, Kenward 2004).
The population growth resulted not only in an expansion
of arable felds and grasslands, particularly in the mountains,
but also in an improvement of agricultural practices.
Peatland cultivation started in northwest Germany (Berger
1950; Rabenstein 1982; Göttlich, Kuntze 1990; Behre 2008).
Marshlands on the North Sea coast were colonised (Behre
2008).
In south and west Germany, as well as in Switzerland,
France and Belgium, the three-feld rotation system was
already established by the early Medieval Age, whereas in
the eastern part of central Europe the alternate arable-feld-
grassland use was still practiced (Smetánka 2009). The
three-feld rotation system resulted in a fnal differentiation
of the arable feld and grassland vegetation. In contrast, in
northwest Germany and the Netherlands the one-feld-system
with its permanent rye cultivation was practiced (Gringmuth-
Dallmer 2003), which contributed to the strong expansion of
heathlands due to the necessary regular fertilization through
the “Plaggen” economy (Figure 4; Behre 2008).
Compared to the Roman Empire period, only a relatively
few new crop plants were introduced: buckwheat (
Fagopyrum
esculentum
), cowpea (
Vigna unguiculata
), common sorrel
(
Rumex acetosa
), common salsify (
Tragopogon porrifolius
),
parsnip (
Pastinaca sativa
), (wild) cabbage (
Brassica
oleracea
), carrot (
Daucus carota
ssp.
sativus
), spinach
(
Spinacia oleraceae
) and endive (
Cichorium endivia
), which
were respectively used either as root or leafy vegetables,
and tuber or salad plants (Poschlod 2015). The “agricultural
heritage” of the Romans has determined the agriculture and
habitats that have evolved from the respective practices in
central Europe up until Modern Times (Poschlod 2015).
From original documents we know about the grassland
use of peatlands, which date back to the 11
th
and 12
th
century
(
e.g.
“Pfrunger Ried” in Upper Swabia; Göttlich, Kuntze
1990). Peatlands were grazed and used for fodder and dung
production. The latter was used to fertilize the arable felds
that were created during peatland amelioration; from that
time on until the 20
th
century, in German, the word existed
“
the meadow is the mother of the arable feld
” (Brüne 1946;
Göttlich, Kuntze 1990). With the fodder production the frst
wet meadows in peatlands may have developed.
In northwest Germany, the frst settlements at the edge of
the geest (sandy heathland) were founded to cultivate the
minerogenous mires. They stemmed from the foundation of
Cistercian monasteries (
e.g.
Loccum 1163, Osterholz 1185,
Wienhausen around 1225, Hude 1232, Lilienthal 1232, and
Scharnebeck at Lüneburg 1243,
etc.
; Wegener 1985; Eberl
2002). In 1300 AD, the complete connected network of
dykes of Friesia was fnished (Behre 2008). Since that time
freshwater and saltwater habitats have been separated and
the ecologically diverse transition zone (brackish water) has
been lost (Behre 2008).
The food shortage due to the bulging population caused
the re-introduction, or increase, of archaic land-use types
such as the alternate arable-feld-grassland-coppice use which
was particularly practiced in mountain areas such as the
Bavarian Forest, the Black Forest, the Eifel, the Siegerland
and the Spessart (Poschlod 2015; see also Rösch 1990; Lüning
2000). Since the different land use practices were applied at
one locality at the same time but on different parcels of land,
an extremely high biodiversity began to develop in these
regions. The open structure of the coppices allowed the strong
expansion of certain species, such as ground-living birds like
the hazel grouse (
Tetrastes bonasia
; Poschlod 2015). Another
land-use practice, ridge and furrow, dates from this period of
man-made landscape expansion (Schenk 2000).
Due to the increased livestock, extensive hay production
was practiced, resulting in the frst expansion of meadows.
That meadow-use was only practiced on a larger scale in
the Medieval Age, is also supported through the fact that
the German word for meadow, “Wiese”, does not stem from
the Latin “
pratum
” like
e.g.
the French word “
pré
” but frst
appears at the end of the 8
th
century. The etymological origin
is found in the old nordic word “
veisa
” (mud) or the Anglo-
Saxon terms “
wâs
” (moisture) and “
wase
” (swamp) (Grimm,
Grimm 1854–1960; Boesch 1981). In the German dictionary,
Grimm, Grimm (1854–1960) wrote that the term moisture
seems to be strongly attached to the word “
Wiese
” and that the
original meaning “swampy grassland” has been lost today.
Konold (1994) even assumes that the prototype of the meadow
was an irrigated meadow. It can thus be concluded that the
frst meadows were mainly established in river foodplains,
which is confrmed through the frequent arachaeobotanical
fndings of wet meadow plants, such as Ragged Robin
(
Lychnis fos-cuculi
), meadowsweet (
Filipendula ulmaria
),
common spike-rush (
Eleocharis palustris
) and wood club-
rush (
Scirpus sylvaticus
; Willerding 1996). However, the
practice of meadow irrigation was already described by
Columella in the 1
st
century AD (Richter 1981).
In central Europe, especially in the foothills of the Alps
and in southern Scandinavia, hay was produced in wooded
meadows (Swiss “
Studmatten
”, Burger 1927; swedish “
(löv)
ängar
”; Hæggström 1995; Emanuelsson 2005), which is
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211
another ancient meadow type. The wooded meadows were
a multi-functional habitat: trees were used for lumber (oak),
frewood (birch,
etc.
), fertilizer (ash of the leaves of the
common hazelnut), fruit (hazelnut, rowan berries) or leaf
hay production (ash, lime tree,
etc.
), with the grassland
underneath mown and later grazed (Kukk, Kull 1997;
Hæggström 1998; Emanuelsson 2009). The oaks were also
maintained to provide acorns (mast) for pig fattening in
autumn (Backmund 1941).
Finally, the frst artifcial ponds were constructed – another
new man-made habitat which has developed its own species
assembly due to its specifc management practices (Poschlod
2015).
According to Bork
et al.
(1998; see also Bork 2006), the
proportion of forest decreased to less than 20% whereas
the proportion of arable felds increased to over 30% and
that of meadows, pastures and heathlands to around 50%
(Figure 11). At the end of the 13
th
century there was the
largest expansion of habitat from man-made landscape ever
(until today). Relicts of that period, such as clearance cairns
which were piled up at the edge of arable felds during that
period, can still be found in forests in mountain areas today,
often covered by shrubs and trees (Poschlod 2015).
7. The Little Ice Age – extreme weather events initiate a
climate pessimum at the end of the Medieval period
and the beginning of Modern Times
At the beginning of the 14
th
century the last climate pessimum
began; it started with a period of extreme weather events. At
the beginning of Modern Times, from the mid-16
th
century
until the beginning of the 19
th
, a period of lower mean annual
temperatures and fuctuating precipitation ensued (Le Roy
Ladurie 2004; 2009a; 2009b; Glaser 2008). Due to the cooler
temperatures this period has been called the “Little Ice Age”
(Le Roy Ladurie 2004; Glaser 2008).
Its causes might have been fuctuations in solar activity,
which decreased at the end of the 14
th
century and reached
other minima in the 16
th
and 17
th
century (Lean 2002;
Shindell
et al.
2003; Solanki
et al.
2004; Steinhilber
et al.
2008; see also Vonmoos
et al.
2006). The period, however,
was also characterized by some strong volcanic eruptions on
Vanuatu in the 13
th
and 15
th
century and Papua New Guinea
in the 16
th
and 17
th
century (Cowie 2007; Miller
et al.
2012;
see also Shindell
et al.
2003).
As examples of the extreme weather events of the
14
th
century, the period from 1311 to 1319 AD, as well as the
year of the millenium foods, 1342 AD, should be mentioned.
Between 1311 and 1319, heavy precipitation fooded large
parts of the central European landscape, severely damaging
crop harvests. In the chronicle of Bad Windsheim (Bavaria)
it was written for 1315 that the wet summer had caused a big
famine which forced people to eat dogs, horses – and even
thieves who had been hanged (Glaser 2008)!
The following Latin poem from this year describes the
situation:
“Ut lateat nullum tempus Famis, ecce CVCVLLVM
Albani festa de narvant tristia gesta, Terxam portentis tetigit
manus Omnipotentis, Imbribus in numeris, merguntur senina
qua vis, Brutaque cum stabulis pereunt, atque oppida villis.
”
CVCVLLVM on the one hand, relates to the year 1315, and,
on the other hand, to the cuckoo which was in Germany a
synonym for the devil (“
geh zum Kuckuck
”, “
der Kuckuck
soll dich holen
” which means “go to hell”). In the vicinity
of settlements the cuckoo was a bringer of woe (Bächtold-
Stäubli, Hoffmann-Krayer 1927–1942). Translated the poem
means: „
That the hunger is not hidden at any time, look at
the cuckoo, it tells about sad incidents at the feast of Saint
Alban, the hand of the Almighty has touched the earth with
awful auguries, the sowings cease to exist through countless
rainfalls, the livestock perish together with the stables and
the towns and the villages
”.
Continuous tallies of the medieval grain harvest (from
1211 to 1491) in England showed indeed only half of the
usual yield for 1315 (Grove 2002; Campbell, Ó Gráda 2011).
The year 1342 was that of the thousand-year food (Glaser
2008). Many reports can be found in chronicles throughout
central Europe, for example, from Erfurt (Thuringia;
according to Weikinn 1958 from Tetzlaff
et al.
2002; Glaser
2008): “
This summer there was a such large food which did
not develop from rainfalls but it seemed if the water sputtered
from everywhere, even from the peaks of the mountains
… and over the walls of Cologne one could run over with
barges … Danube, Rhine and Main … carried towers, solid
walls and houses away … as well as the ramparts of towns
… and the watergates of the sky were open, and rain fell on
the earth like in the 600
th
year of Noahs life, … it happened
in Würzburg that the Main destroyed the bridge with strong
force and forced many people to leave their housings …
”.
Flood events also occurred in the northwestern and northern
parts of central Europe, such as the Rhine-Meuse-Scheldt
delta where the dykes broke, and the valleys of Elbe, Eider
and Weser (Arends 1833).
The effects on the man-made landscape were tremendous.
Due to the low proportion of forest and large expansion in
arable feld area, more than 50% of the soil eroded during the
last 2000 years was washed away, in just the year 1342 alone
at least 20% (Bork
et al.
1998; Bork 2006). Alluvial clay
deposits up to several metres in height reshaped foodplains
during this period (Mensching 1951; Händel 1967; Bork
et al.
1998; Dotterweich 2008; Stolz, Grunert 2008; Hempel
2009).
Whole new habitats developed. Since proportions of
forest cover were low, potential rainfall interception was
greatly reduced, with the result that most of the precipitation
seeped into the soil, increasing percolation and spring water
emersions. As a consequence, many swampy hillsides
underwent paludifcation and sloping mires started to be
formed. In fact, the origin of many sloping mires started
during the Medieval Age (Lange
et al.
1978; Jeschke 1990;
see also Succow, Jeschke 1986; Kapfer, Poschlod 1997).
Also the development of many “Missen” mires in the higher
reaches of the Black Forest started during this period (Radke
1973). Many plants and animals characteristic for wetlands
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Peter Poschlod: The Origin and Development of the Central European Man-made Landscape, Habitat and Species Diversity
as Affected by Climate and its Changes – a Review
212
or mires might have therefore expanded their distribution
within this century.
Extreme weather events also reshaped the coast of the
North Sea. The second Marcellus food in 1362, also called
the “Grote Mandrenke” (great drowning of men), was able
to give the German and Dutch coast its present-day shape
(Petersen, Rohde 1977; Behre 2008).
Heavy damages through pathogens and harmful insects
followed the periods of extreme weather events. During
1338, 1339 and 1340, plagues of migrating locusts occurred
over a vast region from Bohemia and Austria to Bavaria,
Thuringia and Hesse (Glaser 2008).
The landscape, however, was not only reshaped by foods
and soil erosion, but also through a large increase in forest area
(Figure 11). Due to the many failures of crops, people suffering
from famines were more prone to illness. The subsequent
epidemics, such as the Black Death, caused a catastrophic
decrease in population – from around 12 to 6 million people in
Germany for instance (Figure 12) – and thus the abandonment
of settlements and man-made habitats such as arable felds
and grasslands. According to Abel (1978), the number of
settlements in Germany decreased from 170,000 to 130,000.
In certain regions, such as Hesse, the proportion of abandoned
settlements was around 50%. In mountain areas, such as the
Rhön or Solling, it could have even reached 70% (Born,
Haarberg 1963; Abel 1976; 1978; Born 1984). This period is
also called the medieval period of deserted settlements (Abel
1978). Relicts from this period include the “ridge and furrow”
of abandoned feld systems, which are found today under the
forests of mountain areas where settlements had been founded
just 100 to 200 years before. These relatively new settlements
were the frst to be abandoned.
The effect on species diversity has not yet been verifed,
but the process of abandonment contributed to the expansion
of sheep husbandry by the local nobility. They wanted to
maintain the landscape open – and thus added to the expansion
of dry calcareous and sandy grasslands, as well as heathlands,
in the landscape (Hornberger 1959; Poschlod, WallisDeVries
2002). During this period large-scale transhumance developed
in south Germany (Poschlod, WallisDeVries 2002).
Furthermore, the following period of cooler temperatures
at the end of the Medieval Age and the beginning of Modern
Times may have accelerated various agricultural innovations.
In the 16
th
and 17
th
centuries, when the famous winter
paintings by Dutch and Flemish masters were produced,
the improved three-feld-rotation system and crop rotation
with row crops were introduced to central Europe (Poschlod
2015). The improved feld-rotation system meant that the
fallow of the former traditional feld-rotation system was
given up and forage plants cultivated. These were red clover
(
Trifolium pratense
), lucerne (
Medicago sativa
), common
sainfoin (
Onobrychis viciifolia
) and crown vetch (
Securigera
varia
). Many of these arable felds were later transformed
into grasslands by natural succession and grazing, or hayseed
application, where the three latter species often still occur
today – as indicators of the former arable feld use (Poschlod
et al.
2008; Karlik, Poschlod 2009).
Row crops such as fodder beet and potato became an
inherent part of crop rotation and resulted in the origin of
new arable weed communities (phytosociological class of
Chenopodietea
; Ellenberg 1996; Hempel 2009). Through the
introduction of false oat-grass (
Arrhenatherum elatius
var.
elatius
) at the end of the 17
th
, and start of the 18
th
century from
France, thus also called in German French rye grass, the so-
called
Arrhenatherum elatius
meadows (
Arrhenatheretum
;
Poschlod
et al.
2009a, 2009b) developed. They were the
dominant farm-meadow types up until the second half of the
20
th
century (Ellenberg 1996).
The Little Ice Age lasted until the 19
th
century. The
coldest period was between 1805 and 1820. 1815 and the
following years were probably the second coldest period
after the event of 536 AD. Three large volcano eruptions
were the cause for the dramatic cooling – the Soufrière on
Saint Vincent in the Carribean erupted in 1812, the Mayon
on the Philippines followed in 1814, and fnally in 1815
the Tambora in Indonesia (Fagan 2000). The eruption of
the Tambora, which started in April 1815, resulted in the
most extreme cooling which lasted for at least three years
(Stommel, Stommel 1983; Harington 1992; de Boer,
Sanders 2004). The eruption is presumed to be the second
largest (after the one in 1259 which has not yet been
localised) of the more than 5500 until-now dated volcano
eruptions (Stommel, Stommel 1983; Zielinski
et al.
1994;
Zielinski 2000). The year 1816 was in Europe (but also
in North America) the “year without summer” (Stommel,
Stommel 1983; Stothers 1984b). In Germany, the year got
the name “
eighteenhundred and frozen to death
” (Hamm
1956). Mean annual temperatures decreased by more than
2°C (Luterbacher
et al.
2004). The consequences were crop
failures and famines, especially in the south German and
alpine regions (Fischer 1999; Specker 1993; 1995). During
these years, anything eatable was eaten: hay was cooked,
snails and slugs and even cats eaten (Scheitlin 1820). In a
painting of 1817, people are pictured even grazing (Specker
1993; 1995)! The botanist and physician Heinrich Rudolf
Schinz wrote a pamphlet on behalf of the agricultural
commission of the Society for Natural History in Zurich,
in which he described the usefulness and risk of alternative
nutrition: “
… for the beneft and protection of harm …
because the hunger does not select the best …
” (Specker
1995). In doing so, Schinz, when describing edible roots,
particularly indicated the bulbs of marsh-orchids and gave
advice to only eat them boiled: “
If you would add some
salt, pepper, caraway, sage, thyme, marjoram, mint, garlic,
onions or chive, the simple dish would be more healthy
and pleasant
” (Specker 1995). Among the feshy-fruity
species, he recommended amongst others the berries of
common whitebeam (
Sorbus aria
agg.) and rowan (
Sorbus
aucuparia
agg.), as well as rose hips. Other herbs which
were strongly collected during those years were common
nettle (
Urtica dioica
) and common sorrel (
Rumex acetosa
).
Even lower plants such as lichens were eaten (
e.g.
Iceland
moss,
Cetraria islandica
; Fagan 2000). However, despite
this heavy pressure on habitats and biodiversity, no detailed
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as Affected by Climate and its Changes – a Review
213
natural history data from that period exist. After this period,
the Little Ice Age ended. However, already since the end of
the 18
th
, beginning of the 19
th
century, climate was no longer
the main driving force affecting landscape, habitat and
species diversity but human spirit, technical innovations,
economic changes and political directives (Poschlod 2015).
Only since very recently has the man-made climate change
started to affect our landscape, habitat and species diversity
again to such an extent.
8. The recent climate change and the effects of climate
regulating laws such as the EEG
In contrast to former climate changes the most recent one
is man-made, but just as before this one is also causing
changes in the landscape, habitat and species diversity. One
fact is that certain aquatic species, which we know through
the analysis of macrorests in sediment deposits were more
northernly distributed during the climate optimum of the
Atlantic period or Neolithic Age, have started to spread
again; this is known, for example, for
Najas marina
s.l.
(Figure 2; Poschlod 2015). Continuous distribution mapping
of other organisms since the 20
th
century has shown the
expansion in distribution of another plant,
Ilex aquifolium
,
to the north, but more especially in many mobile organisms
such as birds, locusts, beetles, dragonfies, butterfies and
wild bees (Poschlod 2015).
Political efforts as a reaction to this climate warming, such
as the implementation of directives or laws to decrease the
consumption of fossil resources, have a much stronger effect
on landscape and habitat diversity changes. In Germany this
is especially true for the law of renewable resources (EEG –
Erneuerbare Energien-Gesetz), which was implemented in
the year 2000. It has resulted in an increase of area under
cultivation for corn (
Zea mays
) from 15,000 to 25,000
km² to produce biogas. Additionally, rape (
Brassica napus
subsp.
napus
) is cultivated on another 9130 km² to produce
biodiesel, and sugar beet and wheat on another 2,500 km² for
bioethanol. In total, more than 20,000 km² of arable land in
Germany are under cultivation for the production of biofuels:
this is nearly 20% of the total arable land! The high input of
fertilizers and pesticides has strongly decreased biodiversity
and, via atmospheric deposition, is even changing other
habitats such as the last remaining natural peatlands – and
thus similarly decreasing species diversity (Poschlod 2015).
The EEG also supports the establishment of solar panel parks
and wind farms; the numbers are continuously increasing.
Presently there are around 25,000 inland wind turbines.
Detailed data on the numbers and sizes of solar panel parks
in the open landscape are not even available (Poschlod
2015)! The future dimension of the actual climate change
and its effect on landscape, habitat and species diversity is
not yet clear. However, the EEG as a reaction to the actual
climate change has resulted in a dramatic decline of species-
rich grasslands, one of our most diverse habitats and diverse
cultural heritage (Poschlod 2014).
9. Conclusion
It has been shown that climate and climate change have been,
and still are, important drivers of our man-made landscape,
its habitats and species diversity. Climate optima were
shown to have been important for an increase in both habitat
and species diversity. Therefore, actual climate change
may be also a chance – if we take the past into account.
Migrations during climate optima (but also pessima) may
have had another strong effect on our biodiversity. However,
we have to take into account that only very specifc land-
use practices have created and maintained our biodiversity.
To save and to maintain biodiversity we have to understand
the historical and actual context (Poschlod 2014; 2015).
This challenge can only be handled in the context of broader
interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary cooperation of the
respective disciplines than that existing until now.
Acknowledgements
I thank Jaromír Beneš and PAPAVER for the invitation to
the 11
th
Conference on Environmental Archaeology and to
the PAPAVER seminar “Driving forces of the history of the
central European/German man-made landscape and selected
habitats” which brought me to elaborate my presentations to
this review. Special thanks go to Sabine Fischer for drawing
the maps, two anonymous referees for their comments and
to Steven Ridgill for the correction of the linguistic style of
the manuscript.
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